Opposition politicians seem to have conveniently forgotten the 1977-1994 dark era under former Presidents J.R. Jayewardene and Ranasinghe Premadasa.

The freedom of expression, the rights of the working class to resort to trade union action, the independence of the judiciary, the people's right to support a political party of their choice and staging political rallies or processions came to a virtual standstill as the Jayewardene regime did not give a tinker's damn for those hallmarks of democracy.

Not only was the freedom of expression of the people suppressed, but even the UNP members of the legislature were prevented from articulating their views due to the iron fist of the Jayewardene regime. Parliamentarians of the then ruling UNP Government mortally feared to express their views as their seats would have been in jeopardy had they criticised any wrongdoings of the J.R. Jayewardene regime.

Jayewardene and his UNP seniors took the 1970-1977 Government of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike to task for governing the country under emergency regulations and extending the term of Parliament by two years. But lo and behold, after the UNP won the 1977 general election, Jayewardene used emergency regulations to the optimum to silence his political opponents and critics.

Jayewardene used the UNP's five-sixth majority in Parliament in 1977 to introduce the Executive Presidency with sweeping powers. Though the people voted him to form a UNP Government and become only the Prime Minister in July 1977, Jayewardene used the very same mandate to automatically become the First Executive President under the 1978 Constitution introduced by him.

The Executive Presidency has by and large been the most powerful tool since it was introduced by former President Jayewardene way back in 1978. The 1978 Constitution gave wide powers to the Executive President, undermining the country's Legislature. This could have perhaps prompted President Jayewardene to declare that all what the Executive President could not perform was to make a man a woman and vice versa. This sweeping statement alone by the person who introduced it, is ample testimony to comprehend the wide powers entrusted on the Executive by the Jayewardene regime.

Since the Executive President is elected by the people, it was indeed Jayewardene's bounden duty to hold a fresh presidential election in 1978, notwithstanding the UNP's general election victory in 1977. But Jayewardene adopted the 'cunning fox theory' to undermine the landslide general election victory and switch from Prime Minister to the Executive President without any mandate from the masses. The UNP regime was hell-bent on consolidating its position at any cost and Jayewardene even went to the extent of saying that he would fold the electoral map.

Instead of the general election that was due to be held in 1983, he introduced the controversial referendum to extend the term of the 1977 Parliament till 1989. Thanks to the mass-scale election rigging, Jayewardene won the 1982 referendum and extended the term of the UNP Government by another six years.

From day one, the 1977 UNP regime feared to hold fresh elections and the 1978 Constitution helped the party in power to do away with by-elections, which are invariably the ideal way of testing the popularity of any Government. The Jayewardene regime not only strengthened its iron fist and destroyed democracy, but also threatened the judiciary.

It is an open secret how the Jayewardene regime got their goons to pelt stones at judges' residences and intimidate them. Though the main culprit gleefully acknowledged this shameless act, he got away scot free, thanks to his godfathers at the helm of the UNP Government.

Lawyers such as Wijedasa Liyanarachchi were mowed down as the UNP Government debarred almost all Opposition political rallies. To evade the challenge from his main political rival, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Jayewardene even took away the civic rights of the world's first woman prime minister and won the controversial 1982 Presidential election.

Thereafter, Jayewardene banned the JVP which was gaining increasing popularity with its leader Rohana Wijeweera polling a significant number of votes at the 1982 Presidential election. This led the JVP to its second era of jungle life and ultimately to another unsuccessful armed struggle in 1988/89.

Trade union action, strikes and protest marches were unheard of after Jayewardene proved his dictatorship by sacking over 100,000 workers who took part in the 1980 July general strike. He cared less for the grievances of the working class and also prevented them from staging any protest campaigns. All trade union action was crushed by using UNP thugs from its trade union wing.

A large number of the 1980 July strikers who lost their jobs committed suicide and their families suffered untold hardships as the Government of the day was unwilling to listen to their grievances or arrive at a reasonable solution. Sacking over one-hundred-thousand employees for merely taking part in trade union action violates all norms of democracy and the UN Charter on workers' rights, but Jayewardene was adamant that they face the consequences for their anti-Government stand.

The subsequent Premadasa regime was even worse and most people felt that Jayewardene's dictatorship was far better than that of his successor.

In sharp contrast, the UPFA Government, led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, has always given a patient hearing to the problems of the working class. Even the university lecturers' trade union - FUTA had been given a free hand to strike and conduct protest marches for three months. Moreover, other trade unions too are free to conduct demonstrations opposite the Fort Railway Station.

More importantly, the Government has held elections almost every year. Since democracy was introduced to Sri Lanka, none of the previous leaders had conducted elections as often as President Rajapaksa.

The negative thinking on the Executive Presidency has changed drastically since President Rajapaksa took office in November 2005. He has been a people friendly President who always believed in parliamentary democracy and the people's power. Hence, President Rajapaksa not only visited Parliament more often than any of his predecessors to follow important debates, but also introduced legislation to make it compulsory for the Executive President to attend Parliament at least once in three months. Until then, the Executive President attended Parliament only once a year and that too for the ceremonial opening of the annual parliamentary sessions.

President Rajapaksa had declared recently at Ratnapura, that the Executive, Judiciary and Legislature should not show their might to the people, but instead be more committed to serve the people. This bold statement by the First Citizen, who firmly believes in the people's power and conducts various types of elections to feel the pulse of the people, should be hailed by one and all.

No person could suppress or deprive people of their sovereign rights. All stakeholders should work in unison to make the people's aspirations a reality. The Government's development drive would come a cropper if politicians and Government officials do not discharge their duties conscientiously.

The Opposition should act in a more responsible manner and enjoy the five-star democracy now prevailing, compared to that of the previous UNP or SLFP-led governments.

Several organisations with vested interests both here and abroad, including the LTTE rump abroad and INGOs, are making a desperate attempt to project a dismal picture on Sri Lanka and the Government. The Opposition should not fall prey to these conspiracies and unwittingly provide 'ammunition' to them.

No other President than President Rajapaksa has reposed such implicit faith in parliamentary democracy and the people's mandate. He has amply demonstrated this in no uncertain terms by holding various elections regularly, even ahead of schedule