The next big lie
Dr Kamal Wickremasinghe
The unbridled freedom of expression the West is advocating around the world
is subject to certain well known restrictions in their home countries - the word
‘conspiracy’ for example, is subtly censored in the West through the labelling
of opinions, ideas or observations on certain subjects as ‘conspiracy theories’.
At a social level, the ‘conspiracy theory’ label carries pejorative
connotations subliminally, arising primarily from the historical association
between charges of a global conspiracy and antisemitism in Western Europe.
In the US in particular, raising legitimate questions about dubious official
narratives and irrational foreign policy decisions ranging from the September 11
events to the “weapons of mass destruction” pretext used for the Iraqi invasion
is considered major ‘thought crime’ falling into the category of conspiracy
theories. Such transgression is punished with castigation and marginalisation of
the ‘offender’. The questions remain unanswered.
The motive behind the current convention against the use of the word
conspiracy in contexts where its use is semantically requisite is being cleverly
used to stifle public inquiry of dubious foreign policy decisions of Western
governments.
 One of the UNHRC sittings.
File photo
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Paid Western agents in developing countries, mainly NGOs who are increasingly
camouflaging themselves as ‘civil society groups’ also adopt such name-calling
in their own domestic environments as a means of keeping public scrutiny away
from their dubious sources of funding and the nefarious anti-national activities
they are engaged in.
Conspiracy is a reality in international affairs
Fact-based views on the confluence of anti-Sri Lankan forces leading up to
the 22nd regular session of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) scheduled to begin
on February 25 is the sort of discourse that is likely to attract the
‘conspiracy’ theory label - However, no other word in the English language could
describe the current neocon controlled anti-Sri Lankan moves with adequate
accuracy and precision.
The release of numerous reports, videos and other forms of propaganda on
alleged ‘war crimes’ by the Sri Lankan Army in 2009 to coincide with the HRC
sessions points to a conspiracy by a group of anti-Sri Lankan Forces led by the
US and British neocons - they simply would not accept the strong sense of
independence being displayed by the Sri Lankan government.
The elaborate planning of the neocon operation is focused on the use of the
mechanics of the HRC session to include Sri Lanka on the agenda during the
month-long HRC sessions, with the ultimate objective of coercing the member
countries to consent to some form of international intervention.
They are focusing primarily on influencing the Indian Central government
position on the US resolution at the HCR by appealing to the emotions of the
hell-raising leaders of the caste ridden South Indian political establishment.
They are relying on fabricated stories of child murder and other anti-Tamil
atrocities to achieve their aims - nearly four year old photographs of dead
bodies, mainly of women and children, and other gory scenes common to any
theatre of operations are being put out by neocon operatives. Their strategy is
based on winding up the puny minds of Jayalalithaa Jayaram and the geriatric K.
Karunanidhi.
A fascinating feature of the conspiracy is that the well-known neocon funded
INGOs such as Human Rights Watch (HRW), the International Crisis Group (ICG),
and the discredited rabble rouser Callum Macray are almost competing against
each other to appear inconsolable in their effort to display phony grief most
convincingly about the war dead.
Anti-Sri Lankan conspirators are trained operators
Navanetham Pillay |
K. Karunanidhi |
Jayalalitha Jayaram |
Ban
Ki-moon |
The NGO operatives launching the strategy are extremely familiar with methods
of influencing the UN and HRC processes, due to the training they have received
from the UN itself - the sinister neocon conspiracy of undermining national
governments of developing countries involved converting the UN system that began
as an “inter-governmental” friendship society into a body that currently grants
NGOs, while spreading the myth they are non-governmental, representation rights
almost equal to national governments by equipping them with such training.
Beginning around 1995, the neocon led moves to exploit NGOs as a means of
undermining national governments was formalised with the creation of an NGO
Section with powers of “overseeing partnerships with associated NGOs”, attached
to the UN Department of Public Information.
Currently the Section provides weekly NGO briefings, and holds communication
workshops, an annual NGO conference and an annual orientation programme for
newly recruited NGOs. Providing information to the UN clandestinely through the
“special Procedures” mechanism is a vital service provided by the NGOs.
It is noteworthy that the first official document issued by Navanetham Pillay
after assuming duties as High Commissioner for Refugees in 2008 was a 157 page
publication named “Working with the United Nations Human Rights Programme - A
Handbook for Civil Society” that outlines the methods of getting involved in the
work of the OHCHR.
The Handbook details NGO training programmes financed by 36 Western countries
that are designed to enable them to counter the official positions of their
respective elected governments represented by professional diplomats who can
‘read the moves’ of the conspirators.
NGOs began their work in advance of the HRC sessions
The so-called “Fifth Geneva Summit for Human Rights and Democracy”, a soiree
among 20 NGOs and other human rights activist organisations including those from
Iran, North Korea, Syria, Pakistan, Russia, Sudan, Kazakhstan, and Tibet that
began on February 19, before the official opening of the 22nd session of the HRC
was a case in point - this was where the NGO strategy was mapped out to raise
additional thematic issues and country situations during general debates
scheduled to take place through the one-month session.
The list of participant NGO operatives and the countries where they came from
reveals that each of the countries is having ongoing disputes with the neocon
operated US foreign policy apparatus. The participating NGO operatives are who’s
who of the neocon-paid celebrity human rights activist circuit including Marina
Nemat, Pyotr Verzilov, and Lukpan Akhmedyarov - Marina Nematisan Iranian writer
who has served time according to Iranian law for anti-government tirades, and
fled to Canada.
Pyotr Verzilov is a Russian street performer and husband of one of the three
Pussy Riot punk rock band members arrested while attempting to perform their
brand of ‘unholy’ musicat one of the holiest religious monuments in Moscow, the
Cathedral of Christ the Saviour.
Lukpan Akhmedyarovis a Kazakhstani journalist, a male version of Sri Lanka’s
Frederica Jansz, who has been ordered by the courts to pay millions of dollars
in compensation to government politicians and public officials who have won
libel cases against him - for his troubles, Reporters Without Borders is
spreading the lie that his is a case of “persecution”, and he has been granted
an award named the “Peter Mackler Award for Courageous and Ethical Journalism”
at a ceremony in the US.
There could well be Sri Lankan operatives among this motley crew, for at the
time of the last HRC sessions a Sri Lankan socialite named Sally Hulugalle lived
in Geneva for several months prior to the meeting, lobbying country
representatives.
The major thrust comes from past masters of deception on Sri Lanka
The pictorial presentations of the charlatan Callum Macrae, in addition to
the ludicrously sensationalised language used, including the title of his movie,
presents some stale photos branded as ‘new’ evidence. His ‘analysis’ of those
photos resembles a tea leaf reading rather than a convincing technical or
scientific analysis.
The first of two photos that is supposed to be the ‘smoking gun’ Macrae has
unearthed, depicts a remarkably serene looking young boy in a bunker, and his
second photo depicts the dead body of the boy with bullet wounds.
Based on this ‘evidence’ Macrae submits his case of a “killing field” in Sri
Lanka, saying that the two pictures were taken by the same camera two hours
apart. He draws the extraordinary conclusion that the killing was done by the
Sri Lankan army. Macrae’s story line defies common sense and logic, and his
expectation that the members of the UNHRC are going to buy this story is an
insult to their intelligence.
The boy’s face in the first photo does not show any signs of fear or
apprehension expected of a young person allegedly held captive by men in
military uniforms - He looks relaxed to the point of being serene, apparently
munching chocolate. The disposition of the boy is indicative of his being
sheltered in an LTTE bunker at some stage during the war. This view is
reinforced by the absence of any evidence in the photo to suggest that the
bunker is an army bunker rather than an LTTE bunker.
Macrae says the second photo depicting the boy’s corpse was taken two hours
later by the same camera. Though the timing is irrelevant in any case, neither
of the two photos displays a date and time stamp, a feature available even in
the cheapest throw away camera these days - The HRC is asked to trust Macrae’s
“metadata” magic as confirmation.
The only thing Macrae’s case can possibly prove is that he is no forensic
scientist, and he has no idea of what justice or rule of law means. Macrae’s
so-called evidence is fatally lacking in the two essential ingredients of
criminal evidence of ‘continuity ‘and ‘integrity’- there is no intact ‘chain of
custody’ of the boy or unbroken continuity of events that is discernible from
these photos. These photos do not provide any evidence whatsoever that the Sri
Lankan army shot and killed the boy.
In the absence of integrity of evidence, all other speculation by forensic
pathologists “respected” by Macrae, on aspects such as the distance of the
muzzle of the weapon to the boy’s chest, the direction the boy fell, and whether
he has been made to watch the execution of his guards before the gun was turned
on him etc. becomes irrelevant, and akin to a tea leaf reading by a clairvoyant.
In all probability, the boy was sheltered by his father and his army in a
bunker for security, and he was either the subject of a ‘mercy killing’ by his
father’s friends following the failure of the family escape attempt, or was
caught in the crossfire during the escape attempt. Macrae fraudulently hides
such alternative explanations.
Macrae’s evidence is similar to Catherine Philp’s disgraced evidence of 2009
Macrae’s “evidence” and analysis of events in this video is reminiscent of
the method adopted in the infamous May 30, 2009 newspaper article on The Times
by one of the Western reporters most ‘embedded’ by the US and UK armies in the
stressful theatres of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, Catherine Philp.
In that article, Philp alleged, citing an “investigation” by The Times, that
more than 20,000 Tamil civilians were killed in the final throes of the Sri
Lankan civil war, as a result of government shelling. She also claimed that her
investigation was backed by aerial photographs, official documents, witness
accounts and expert testimony.
Upon analysis, it surfaced that Philp’s investigation consisted of two aerial
photographs taken while accompanying the UN Secretary-General across the battle
zone on Sri Lankan military helicopters, and a chat with Gordon Weiss, a neocon
agent operating under UN cover.
The pictures showed two vacant areas, one sprinkled with some sand mounds and
the other resembling a more orderly cemetery. Philp had come to the remarkable
conclusion, having witnessed these sites from a height of at least several
hundred metres, that the sand mounds marked makeshift burial sites of a mass
killing by the army, and the orderly cemetery was an LTTE military cemetery -
effectively, Philp had made judgements on the bodies literally ‘six feet under’!
Philp’s investigation also cited infamous Gordon Weiss figure of “7,000
civilian deaths” as a “confidential UN documents acquired by The Times”,
supported by a Father Amalraj who was interned in Manik Farm refugee camp at the
time. She quoted instructions by an unnamed UN official in Colombo (no prices
for guessing) - “It would take the final toll above 20,000. “Higher, keep
going.” Higher she went, by multiplying the reported number of deaths by five,
making the random assumption that “only one-in-five deaths were being reported”!
Macrae’s evidence faces the same fate as Philps’
As expected, Catherine Philp’s piece of investigative journalism, originally
published in the neocon Rupert Murdoch-owned The Times, relayed by all
associated corporate media in the West, compelled the UN to make public comment
about the ‘sensational’ revelations including a possible UN cover up. Comment,
they did. On June 1, 2009, the day following the publication of the lies, UN
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon told the UN General Assembly that - “Regarding the
media reports alleging that some 20,000 civilians may have been killed during
the last phase of the conflict in Sri Lanka, I should emphasise that these
figures do not emanate from the UN and they are not consistent with the
information at our disposal”. He added - “I categorically reject – repeat,
categorically reject – any suggestion that the United Nations has deliberately
underestimated any figures”.
The 20,000 figure was also rejected by the UN Under-Secretary General for
Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes who told a
media briefing - “I think a lot of the figures which are floating around don’t
have much justification behind them. That figure (20,000) has no status as far
as we're concerned”.
This time around, Macrae’s fraud is being backed by the other subversive
criminal organisations, the ICG and HRH - A report by Alan Keenan, the neocon
intelligence agency ICG’s Sri Lanka “Project Director”, who probably did not
have time to cook up some data, is demanding punishment on Sri Lanka, not on any
specific human rights issues that fall under the HRC mandate, but for daring to
be independent - his waffle reads - “Analysts and government critics have warned
of Sri Lanka’s growing authoritarianism since the final years of the civil war,
but the impeachment has considerably worsened the situation.” He simply can’t be
serious!
The dogs will keep barking, and at the end of the day, no one should be
surprised by the fact that Sri Lanka’s war, like all wars, produced some gory
images. None more so than the gruesome images of massacres of innocent villagers
by Prabhakaran’s mlechcha forces committed at Gonagala, including those of
pregnant women whose wombs were cut open, at Welikanda and the monks at
Arantalawa, just to name a few. Heartless as it may sound, dwelling on those
atrocities any longer and seeking revenge cannot be productive in any sense of
the word. The way forward is the path the government has chosen - engaging in
eradicating poverty.
The sooner the neocon forces get off our backs, leaving us to get on with it
would be the better. The Times of London’s reporters Catherine Philp and her
collaborators seemed to expect the world to believe their lies without scrutiny,
let alone the application of common sense. Philp’s lies died an ignominious
death on the UN General Assembly floor after circulating limply in international
media for a few days.
Callum Macrae’s, and Alan Keenen’s and the HRH’s frauds will go the same way.
After some depression
about not achieving very much with regard to either Reconciliation, or the Human
Rights Action Plan, I was heartened by several factors last week. In the four
Divisional Secretariat meetings I attended in the Wanni, it was clear that
things were improving all the time. Several problems were brought to my
attention, but these were largely practical problems, similar to those prevalent
in other parts of the country. The impact of inclement weather on agriculture,
the need for better roads for rural connectivity, and for better electricity
connections, shortages of teachers for essential subjects, are national
problems, not consequences of the conflict. 
I had tried earlier to get the Ministry of Public
Administration to provide guidance as to simple principles of administration and
accountability but, though this had not succeeded, it is clear that bright young
public officials can engender effective systems by themselves. 
Minister de Silva said this in reply when asked on Sri Lanka’s
chances of being able to defend itself in case of another US-sponsored
resolution against Sri Lanka at the upcoming UNHRC sessions. -.jpg)
Behind this argument, it turns out, is a well-organized campaign by
LTTE cadres, sympathizers and human rights groups opposed to death penalty who
could well have been the reason for the delay in the first place. 
