http://www.priu.gov.lk/news_update/Current_Affairs/ca201111/20111128sl_poised_join_asias_fast_growing_economies.htm
Sri Lanka poised to join Asia’s fast growing economies - Bangkok Post
The defeat of the LTTE in May 2009 has wrought a perceptible change in Sri Lanka's economic climate, recognised by international financial institutions, foreign media and economic analysts, says in an article on Bangkok Post published today (Nov.28).
“Today they see Sri Lanka as one of Asia's fast-growing nations with huge potential”, the report added.
Nearly three decades of conflict with the Tamil Tigers seriously debilitated Sri Lanka's economic development. With financial and human resources diverted to fighting a war that, though largely confined to the country's North and East, spilled over to other areas including the capital city Colombo, development was largely stultified, it said.
But all that has changed. Foreign tourists are back in much larger numbers. Business delegations from countries as far apart as the US, India, Singapore and Vietnam are making their way to Colombo, the report added.
A modern highway from Colombo to the southern port city of Galle spans 100 kilometres along the Indian Ocean, and is studded with hotels, tourist complexes and spas providing traditional medical treatment, Bangkok Post adds.
Here is the text of the article:
Nearly three decades of conflict with the secessionist Tamil Tigers seriously debilitated Sri Lanka's economic development. With financial and human resources diverted to fighting a war that, though largely confined to the country's north and east, spilled over to other areas including the capital city Colombo, development was largely stultified.
The terrorist attacks in Colombo and some other major cities had a deleterious effect on one of Sri Lanka's major foreign currency earners _ tourism _ leaving hoteliers and ancillary industries feeding the tourism sector struggling to survive in a shrinking market.
But all that has changed. Foreign tourists are back in much larger numbers. Business delegations from countries as far apart as the US, India, Singapore and Vietnam are making their way to Colombo.
The military defeat of the LTTE or Tamil Tigers in May 2009 has wrought a perceptible change in Sri Lanka's economic climate, recognised by international financial institutions, foreign media and economic analysts. Today they see Sri Lanka as one of Asia's fast-growing nations with huge potential.
One of the most visible changes to Sri Lanka today is the peaceful atmosphere that prevails whether it be Colombo or the countryside. Foreign visitors are returning to the beaches, historic cities and eco-tourism and health resorts in unprecedented numbers.
Just one year after the war ended the New York Times ranked Sri Lanka as the first place to visit in its list of "31 Places to go to in 2010."
Areas in the north and east which were of cultural, religious and touristic significance are now open and teeming with curious visitors. They watch blue whales frolicking in the famous Trincomalee natural harbour in the northeast or windsurfing off the eastern coast at Arugam Bay.
While some European countries have seen an influx well over 50% in recent months, there is also a sharp increase in tourists from neighbouring India and even China.
The return of tourists has spurred more foreign hotel investors from five-star chains to expand in Colombo and Hambantota in the deep south, which is emerging as an important city with an international airport and modern sports facilities on the cards.
A modern highway from Colombo to the southern port city of Galle spans 100 kilometres along the Indian Ocean, and is studded with hotels, tourist complexes and spas providing traditional medical treatment.
What has all this meant in development terms? The Asian Development Bank in its outlook for 2011-12 is upbeat about Sri Lanka retaining its growth forecast unchanged during this period.
In its revised forecast, ADB expected Sri Lanka to record the second highest economic growth in Asia this year. It kept Sri Lanka's 8% growth forecast for 2011-12 intact because of robust exports and tourism.
"Sri Lanka's economic growth accelerated in the second quarter on higher investment and as the central bank avoided the interest-rate increases that have contributed to a slowdown elsewhere in Asia," said Samantha Amerasinghe, a Colombo-based economist at Standard Chartered Plc.
"Sri Lanka's economy is reaping the benefits of peace."
With the country's economic prospects looking bright, the Sri Lanka Export Development Board is preparing to showcase its growth in an event called Sri Lanka Expo 2012 planned for March 28-30.
"The main objectives are to promote and re-position Sri Lanka trade, investment and tourism, and instil confidence in the country's high quality products and services among international buyers," says Janaka Ratnayake, chairman and chief executive of the EDB.
With 300-odd stalls where some of Sri Lanka's leading manufacturers and service providers will display their products, Thai businesses and entrepreneurs can see an exhibition of Sri Lanka's world famous gems and classic jewellery in addition to traditional produce like tea. Modern ventures in ecotourism, health resorts and luxury-boat building are also on offer.
Wednesday, November 30, 2011
http://www.defence.lk/new.asp?fname=20111130_01
Two Malaysian MPs who are very vocal about the situation in Sri Lanka now say that only Colombo can resolve Tamil problems, not any other country or government.
M. Manogaran and S. Ramakrishnan also called upon the Sri Lankan government to show a large heart and meet the aspirations of the island's minority communities.
"Only the Sri Lankan government can address their (minorities) problems," Manogaran told IANS at the end of a short India visit, speaking for both of them. "Others including we can only play a secondary role."
He said that now that "the war was over, and a winner and loser have been declared", the Tamils in particular - who suffered the maximum from the ethnic conflict - expected a better life.
"The government must not only go for reconstruction (in the former war zone) and restore (minority) rights but also provide the necessary space for restoration of normalcy," he said.
In June, both visited Sri Lanka where they met a large number of people both in Colombo in the north.
After meeting a large number of people in politics and academics in India, the MPs admitted before emplaning for Kuala Lumpur that it was time to move on in Sri Lanka.
"In any war there will be collateral damage," Manogaran said. He underlined that the victims of Sri Lanka's long-drawn war were not just the Tamils but "If necessary we are willing to join hands with the authorities in Sri Lanka for this," they said. "We have spoken in the past about the conditions in Sri Lanka. Now that we have visited Sri Lanka and India, we know where we stand."
Both Ramakrishnan and Manogaran belong to the Democratic Action Party (DAP), which is part of Malaysia's opposition alliance.
Courtesy : Department of Government Information
Two Malaysian MPs who are very vocal about the situation in Sri Lanka now say that only Colombo can resolve Tamil problems, not any other country or government.
M. Manogaran and S. Ramakrishnan also called upon the Sri Lankan government to show a large heart and meet the aspirations of the island's minority communities.
"Only the Sri Lankan government can address their (minorities) problems," Manogaran told IANS at the end of a short India visit, speaking for both of them. "Others including we can only play a secondary role."
He said that now that "the war was over, and a winner and loser have been declared", the Tamils in particular - who suffered the maximum from the ethnic conflict - expected a better life.
"The government must not only go for reconstruction (in the former war zone) and restore (minority) rights but also provide the necessary space for restoration of normalcy," he said.
In June, both visited Sri Lanka where they met a large number of people both in Colombo in the north.
After meeting a large number of people in politics and academics in India, the MPs admitted before emplaning for Kuala Lumpur that it was time to move on in Sri Lanka.
"In any war there will be collateral damage," Manogaran said. He underlined that the victims of Sri Lanka's long-drawn war were not just the Tamils but "If necessary we are willing to join hands with the authorities in Sri Lanka for this," they said. "We have spoken in the past about the conditions in Sri Lanka. Now that we have visited Sri Lanka and India, we know where we stand."
Both Ramakrishnan and Manogaran belong to the Democratic Action Party (DAP), which is part of Malaysia's opposition alliance.
Courtesy : Department of Government Information
http://www.dailynews.lk/2011/12/01/news02.asp
Diaspora could contribute towards Northern development - President
The Diaspora could contribute in a significant manner towards development of the North, President Mahinda Rajapaksa said.
“We have launched several programmes to develop the North and help our people there. There is a need to provide entertainment for the people of the North and more facilities for sports and recreation in addition to building more hotels. Both the private sector and the Diaspora could play an active role in the North,” the President said.
President Rajapaksa also said that most in the Diaspora are yet to see Sri Lanka and Jaffna.
He said that it is the right time for them to lend a helping hand. President Rajapaksa added that a Sri Lankan Tamil businessman is now operating a helicopter service to Jaffna and much could be done by the Diaspora.
“There is free access and people can visit Jaffna as they wish,” said the President. Soon after opening Sri Lanka’s first expressway connecting Colombo with Galle last week, the President began the spadework for an expressway linking Colombo with Jaffna.
“I will work on the Jaffna Expressway so that the distance can be covered in three hours,” he said.
Diaspora could contribute towards Northern development - President
The Diaspora could contribute in a significant manner towards development of the North, President Mahinda Rajapaksa said.
“We have launched several programmes to develop the North and help our people there. There is a need to provide entertainment for the people of the North and more facilities for sports and recreation in addition to building more hotels. Both the private sector and the Diaspora could play an active role in the North,” the President said.
President Rajapaksa also said that most in the Diaspora are yet to see Sri Lanka and Jaffna.
He said that it is the right time for them to lend a helping hand. President Rajapaksa added that a Sri Lankan Tamil businessman is now operating a helicopter service to Jaffna and much could be done by the Diaspora.
“There is free access and people can visit Jaffna as they wish,” said the President. Soon after opening Sri Lanka’s first expressway connecting Colombo with Galle last week, the President began the spadework for an expressway linking Colombo with Jaffna.
“I will work on the Jaffna Expressway so that the distance can be covered in three hours,” he said.
Monday, November 28, 2011
http://www.defence.lk/new.asp?fname=20111124_02
Sri Lanka today is one of the most secure and stable countries in the entire world-Secretary Defence
Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa today (24 Nov), delivering the key note speech at the Inaugural National Conference on Reconciliation: "The Way Forward for Post Conflict Sri Lanka" said "Sri Lanka today is not only one of the most secure and stable countries in Asia but in the entire world."
The Secretary briefly explained how the LTTE unleashed its terror on the citizens of this country, starting from the assignation of Mr. Alfred Duraiappa, the Mayor of Jaffna, in 1975 to the end of Humanitarian Operation concluded in May 2009.
Further the Secretary Defence went on to explain that how the countrymen irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political affiliation, are reaping the rewards of peace, and he said that freedom of movement, restoration of democracy and improvement of the country's economy are significant achievements with the return peace. "The return of peace, the restoration of freedom and democracy, and the prospect of a resurgent economy have all been made possible by the success of the Humanitarian Operation that put an end to the terrorist activities of the LTTE" he said.
View Video
The full text of the speech:
I am grateful to the Honourable G. L. Pieris, Minister of External Affairs, for having invited me to deliver the keynote address at the inaugural National Conference on Reconciliation, hosted by the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies. The late Honourable Lakshman Kadirgamar was a great servant of this nation, whose determined and selfless contributions to Sri Lanka were tragically cut short by an LTTE sniper in August 2005. During his life, Mr. Kadirgamar strongly believed that "People who live in Sri Lanka are first and foremost Sri Lankans". As this country builds its future on the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism, these are words for us all to remember.
Sri Lanka's experience with terrorism began in the 1970s. By the time His Excellency the President Mahinda Rajapaksa assumed office in December 2005, terrorist activities in this country had continued for nearly thirty years. During these 3 decades, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam unleashed waves of terror that caused untold suffering for all Sri Lankans. The list of its atrocities is long. The LTTE carried out ethnic cleansing in the North and parts of the East, brutally driving out more than 100,000 Sinhalese and Muslim civilians from their homes. The LTTE attacked places of worship including the Sri Maha Bodhiya, the Temple of the Tooth, several churches, and also carried out massacres at Mosques. The LTTE's countless attacks on the vulnerable villages near areas they dominated, together with the bombs they unleashed in the rest of the country, killed approximately 9,800 civilians and grievously wounded more than 10,000.
The LTTE continually attacked vital national infrastructure in its bid to disrupt normal life and cause maximum casualties to civilians. Its attack on the Central Bank in the heart of Colombo in 1996 killed 86 and wounded more than 1,300, and it also put at risk the entire financial system whilst badly damaging much of the financial hub. Its numerous attacks on the Kolonnawa oil refinery, as well as its attacks on the Kelanitissa and Kerawalapitiya power plants were intended to cripple the country by attacking its energy infrastructure. Its attack carried out at the International Airport in 2001 destroyed several passenger aircraft and caused untold damage to the entire tourism industry. Its attack on the Central Bus Stand in Fort killed over 100 people and injured close to 300, and its numerous attacks on train and buses all over the country killed hundreds more, spreading panic in the country at large. The LTTE was relentless in its use of suicide cadres, car bombs, truck bombs, and even light aircraft in carrying out these attacks to destabilise Sri Lankan society, and it showed sophistication and ruthlessness beyond any other terrorist group in the world in pursuing its objectives.
The LTTE's skill at political assassinations was another defining feature of its campaign of terror. Mr. Alfred Duraiappa, the Mayor of Jaffna, was the LTTE's first political target in 1975. Defence Minister Ranjan Wijeratne was killed in a bomb attack carried out in 1991. Former Deputy Minister of Defence Lalith Athulathmudali was killed in 1993. Opposition Presidential Candidate Gamini Dissanayake was killed along with Parliamentarians G. M. Premachandra, Weerasinghe Mallimarachchi, Ossie Abeygunasekara, and numerous others in a bombing just before the Presidential Election in 1994. Killings by the LTTE continued through to the recent past, with Ministers D. M. Dassanayake and Jeyaraj Fernandopulle being killed in 2008. The most notable assassinations carried out by the LTTE were the killing of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the killing of serving Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1993. In sum, the LTTE killed 7 Cabinet Ministers, 37 Parliamentarians and more than 50 office bearing political figures during its terror campaign. Its intention was to undermine Sri Lanka's democracy.
The overall impact of the LTTE's terrorism was devastating. In addition to the thousands of casualties it caused, the aura of fear and uncertainty it created had a severe impact on all Sri Lankans. In areas outside the LTTE's control, ordinary peoples' day-to-day lives were transformed. Parents did not travel together in the same vehicle for fear of orphaning their children by getting caught in a bomb blast. Students' school attendance dropped every time rumours spread about impending terrorist attacks. Law and order deteriorated as terrorism fostered crime and corruption. The underworld became more powerful and its members gained access to arms and ammunition from various armed groups operating in the country at large. An entire generation grew up under a veil of fear.
In areas under LTTE dominance, matters were even worse. The LTTE did not tolerate any opposition. It assassinated democratic leaders and intellectuals in the Tamil community in order to style itself the sole representative of the Tamil people. In this effort, it killed such democratic politicians as former Opposition Leader A. Amirthalingam, Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front, Mr. Y. Yogeshwaran and Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam of the same party, Mr. Sam Thambimuttu and Mr. K Pathmabanda of the EPRLF.
In addition to moderate politicians, the LTTE also assassinated the leaders of other armed groups in these areas, including C. Thanabalasingham of the TNT, K Sundaram of PLOTE and Sri Sabaratnam of TELO. On occasion, the LTTE even wiped out the entire command structure of groups it saw as opponents. By eliminating all rivals, the LTTE was able to keep the people in the areas it dominated under a virtual dictatorship. Though it pretended, at its height, to have a judicial system and a police force, these were shams constructed to disguise a territory ruled at gunpoint. No one in those areas was truly safe; no one was truly free.
Apart from all this, the simple fact that a ruthless terrorist group was operational in the country and dominated parts of its territory had a devastating impact on Sri Lanka's prospects. The economy stagnated. Infrastructure development could not be given due priority. Large areas of fertile land were inaccessible for agriculture. Restrictions on sea movements affected the fishing industry. Bad publicity and adverse travel advisories kept tourists away. Industrialisation was virtually halted as both local and foreign investment slowed to a trickle. Many of our best and brightest sought to build safer lives for themselves away from Sri Lanka, resulting in brain drain. Most of the economic growth that took place was localised in the Western Province and the largest cities in the other provinces. The North and East were virtually isolated. The political, social and economic costs of terrorism set back Sri Lanka's national progress by many years.
When His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected to the Presidency in 2005, he had a mandate from the people to end the terrorist conflict once and for all. This was a daunting task. Four previous Presidents as well as several successive Governments comprising various political parties had grappled with the issue of LTTE terrorism without success. Over the years, a range of different approaches including military campaigns, peace talks, and even international mediation had been tried. None had succeeded.
The first peace talks took place in 1985 in Thimpu, Bhutan. The LTTE was one of several Tamil groups participating in these talks. During the ceasefire granted by the Government to facilitate the talks, it strengthened itself militarily by obtaining AK-47 machine guns, Rocket Propelled Grenades and explosives. After the talks failed, the LTTE used the military advantage it had gained to systematically attack and decimate the other Tamil groups. By 1987, when the Indian intervention occurred at a time the Sri Lankan Government was in a position to end the conflict militarily, the LTTE was the dominant militant group. Its refusal to surrender arms and its many provocations during that period led to the Indian Peace Keeping Force becoming combatants in the conflict. Eventually, more than 1,100 soldiers of the IPKF were killed and over 2,700 wounded in combat with the LTTE.
By 1989, the LTTE was weakened and once again sought the respite of a ceasefire. As a gesture of goodwill, the Government requested the IPKF to leave Sri Lanka. In June 1990, in the middle of peace talks with the Government, the LTTE unilaterally broke the ceasefire and returned to violence. It launched severe attacks against Muslim civilians, killing nearly 150 during prayers at Kathankudy and more than 170 in Eravur, Batticalao. It then expelled the 75,000 Muslim residents of Jaffna. LTTE violence continued until October 1994, when the Government once again offered to negotiate in the hope of a peaceful settlement. The ceasefire entered into was once again unilaterally broken by the LTTE in 1995 when they destroyed naval gunboats at Trincomalee harbour. Not long after, the LTTE used Surface to Air missiles obtained during the preceding ceasefire to shoot down aircraft of the Sri Lanka Air Force.
Despite the long history of LTTE treachery during peace talks, the Government of Sri Lanka continued trying to end the conflict through peaceful means. In 2001, the Norwegian facilitated peace process commenced. The LTTE never took action to address any substantive issues during this period. Instead, it exploited all the concessions granted under the ceasefire to strengthen itself militarily. The LTTE acquired new arms, ammunition and equipment, including light aircraft. The LTTE recruited more cadres, including child soldiers, and its strength grew to approximately 25,000. Although the peace process was stalled and the ceasefire was nominally in place, it was clear that the LTTE was gearing up for war just as it had done during each previous peace process.
Despite the LTTE's history of insincerity and its opportunism during the ceasefire period, the President was keen to restart the stalled peace process as soon as he was elected into office. His intention was to resolve the conflict peacefully. Towards this end, he repeatedly requested the LTTE to come for direct talks with the Government. Instead of responding genuinely, the LTTE misused the attempted peace talks in 2006 and intensified its provocative behaviour. It relentlessly attacked key military targets, including our highest-ranking officers, and continued to carry out acts of mindless violence against innocent civilians.
The Government bore these provocations with patience for many months, until the LTTE threatened a major humanitarian disaster by shutting down the sluice gates at Maavilaru in July 2006. This was a key irrigation canal for agriculture in the East, and its closure cut off water to thousands of acres of farmland and over five thousand households. Over 9,500 Muslims, 8,000 Sinhalese and 4,400 Tamils were left without access to water by this inhuman act, and immediate action was needed to prevent a major catastrophe. When all peaceful efforts to resolve the problem failed, the Government had no option but to launch a limited military operation to reopen the sluice gates.
During the initial stages of that operation, the LTTE attacked military positions around the Trincomalee harbour and launched attacks in the North shortly afterwards. It was clear that the closure of the Maavilaru sluice gate had only been the LTTE's first move in a well-planned offensive. Because of the immediate threat to strategic military positions, the Government expanded the limited operation that had been launched to liberate Maavilaru. Considering the long history of the LTTE's atrocities against the people of Sri Lanka and its repeated rejections of all efforts for a peaceful settlement, including those efforts with international mediation, the Government decided to rid the country of the LTTE menace once and for all. In three and a half years, that objective was achieved.
Today, Sri Lanka is a nation at peace. As a result of the Humanitarian Operation to defeat terrorism, the primary obstacle to Sri Lanka's prospects-the LTTE-has been removed. In looking back at what has happened over the last two years, the benefits this country has gained through the dismantling the LTTE are very clear. The senseless killing has stopped. Irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political affiliation, all Sri Lankans are reaping the rewards of peace. The quality of life has improved tremendously. With the constant threat of terrorism removed, people can live their lives in full and without fear. Sri Lanka today is not only one of the most secure and stable countries in Asia but in the entire world.
Perhaps the most heartening outcome of the dawn of peace has been the freedom of movement that all Sri Lankans finally enjoy. People are able to travel throughout the entire country without being impeded; the numbers travelling from North to South, and vice versa, are truly remarkable. The number of expatriates travelling to the North is also extremely noteworthy. Thousands of people from nearly 100 countries have returned to Sri Lanka to visit the homes they left behind during the dark days of the conflict. This is a very encouraging sign, and one of the great benefits of the restoration of peace.
Another critical gain from peace is the holding of free and fair elections in every part of Sri Lanka. Local authority elections, provincial council elections, a Presidential election and a General election have all been held over the past two years. In the areas formerly dominated by the LTTE, people exercised their franchise without fear for the first time in three decades. The fact that political plurality has returned to these areas is clear from the results of these elections. The swift restoration of democracy to those parts of Sri Lanka previously under LTTE dominance is something to be proud of. Further, it needs to be noted that many former militants are now playing an active role in politics. The LTTE's one time Eastern Province Commander, Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan, also known as Karuna Amman, is a junior Cabinet Minister. A former LTTE child soldier, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, also known as Pillayan, is the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province. A number of former LTTE cadres have also become Chairmen of local government bodies. Their participation in the political process demonstrates the robustness of Sri Lanka's democracy, and highlights the focus on reconciliation.
The economy is also showing marked signs of improvement. With thousands of acres of arable land once again accessible, and key irrigation infrastructure being restored, agriculture is poised to expand significantly in the coming years. With the removal of the restrictions that had to be enforced due to terrorism, the fishing industry has already rebounded and registered tremendous growth. With the withdrawing of adverse travel advisories and the knowledge that the country is finally at peace, tourist arrivals have increased significantly. Local and foreign investment is on the rise, and new commercial activity is starting to take place in previously ignored areas. Sri Lanka is finally in a position to realise the economic potential that has been pent up for so many years.
The return of peace, the restoration of freedom and democracy, and the prospect of a resurgent economy have all been made possible by the success of the Humanitarian Operation that put an end to the terrorist activities of the LTTE. However, it should be noted that the rump of the LTTE is still active outside Sri Lanka, and is still attempting to tarnish the image of this nation and set back the peace that was achieved two years ago. We must remain vigilant, and not allow ourselves to be divided or distracted by their destructive agenda. Having been so closely linked with the terrorist cause, they seem unable to let go of their outmoded ideas and face the reality of a united and peaceful Sri Lanka. Instead of providing any support for the on-going reconstruction and reconciliation efforts, the sole interest of these parties is in casting aspersions against the Government.
The true commitment of the Government of Sri Lanka to all its citizens can be gauged by the actions it took in the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation in 2009. It is important to understand that the Government faced several immense challenges at that time, and it should be appreciated that these challenges were met with great professionalism.
Without doubt, the most pressing issue of concern in the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation was housing the 294,000 Internally Displaced People who had served as the LTTE's human shield. The villages and towns they had been displaced from had been mined heavily by the LTTE during the last stages of the Humanitarian Operation, and it was impossible for them to safely return to their homes until those areas had been completely demined and made safe for habitation. Taking care of such a large number of IDPs in this way was a tremendous undertaking that involved a concerted effort by the Government machinery, together with assistance from various international actors, including the UN organisations and other agencies.
While the IDPs were being looked after in the camps, the Government, together with several Non Governmental Organisations such as the Danish Demining Group, the Foundation Suisse de Deminage and the Sarvatra demining group of India, worked very hard to demine the towns and villages in the North and make them habitable once again. The Corps of Engineers of the Sri Lanka Army did the bulk of the work, with assistance from several foreign governments and international organisations. As demining progressed, the internally displaced were resettled in their places of origin.
Today, only 3,173 families remain to be resettled, and less than 3,000 IDPs remain in camps. Most of the IDPS who are yet to be resettled come from areas caught up in heavy fighting during the last stages of the Humanitarian Operation. While the clearing of those areas takes place, they will be given houses in adjacent, unaffected land and given the option of moving back to their homes once they are certified as safe. It must be stressed that the speed at which demining has taken place is remarkable, considering the extent of the problem that the LTTE caused. To date, more than 42,000 Antipersonnel Mines, 227 Antitank Mines and more than 15,000 items of Unexploded Ordnance have been recovered from these areas.
Another issue that faced the Government was dealing with the more than 11,000 former LTTE cadres who surrendered or were detained by the military during the course of the Humanitarian Operation. All of them were sorted according to their level of involvement in the LTTE's activities. Cadres with known higher-level involvement in LTTE atrocities were separated and identified for prosecution. The vast majority of former combatants, however, had a lower level of involvement in LTTE activities, and were therefore sent for extensive rehabilitation programmes.
Rehabilitation was an area of particular concern to the Government, as its intention was to reintegrate the former combatants to normal society as soon as possible. This is an important consideration in terms of reconciliation, and it is heartening to note that the work done in this regard to date has been very successful. All programmes were conducted under the close supervision of the Commissioner General of Rehabilitation, and they were geared towards ensuring that the former combatants could readjust to normal life and reintegrate with society.
Psychological care was provided to all those in the rehabilitation programme, including counselling and drama, dance and music therapy. Spiritual and religious programmes were also conducted. Adult cadres were given extensive vocational training and have been able to acquire new skills to help them become productive citizens. The rapid progress of reintegration is laudable, with over 10,300 former cadres returned to society, and less than 700 remaining in the rehabilitation centres.
Careful attention was given to the care of the 595 LTTE Child Soldiers in Government custody; they were rehabilitated under a programme assisted by UNICEF, and sent back to their families within one year. I am happy to note that several former child soldiers successfully passed their Advanced Level examination, and some even gained entry to medical school.
In addition to demining, resettlement and rehabilitation, the Government has provided numerous forms of assistance to help citizens in the North lead normal lives. Infrastructure development is being carried out at a very rapid pace. Major programmes are underway to develop the road network, the railway track, electricity grid, and irrigation infrastructure. The Government has already restored the irrigation infrastructure that had remained in a state of disrepair for so many years. The tanks and irrigation canals are back to full working condition and agriculture can now flourish in the North. Indeed, a great deal of produce from this area is now coming into markets in the rest of the country. In addition, support has been extended for the restoration of livelihoods, with schemes in place to provide concessionary financing to people seeking to engage in farming, fishing, agriculture and business. Through all these means, the Government is doing everything it can to restore normalcy to these civilians, who had suffered for so many years during their virtual isolation from the rest of the country because of the LTTE.
We need to understand that this long period of isolation has caused several other issues. An entire generation grew up knowing nothing but war. As a result of being under the LTTE for almost thirty years, most of the civilians in these areas were brainwashed into fearing the Government of Sri Lanka. By demonising the Government and the majority Sinhalese, the LTTE created a fear psychosis that is only slowly disappearing. By rehabilitating the vast majority of LTTE cadres, looking after the Internally Displaced, demining their villages, restoring the infrastructure, and by providing assistance for the restoration of livelihoods, the Government of Sri Lanka has already done a great deal to dispel this psychosis. More is required.
It is absolutely essential that the parties in the democratic mainstream understand the grassroots level requirements of the people and refrain from pushing a divisive agenda purely for their own political gain. It is clear that some politicians wish to promote an agenda not very different from what the LTTE wanted to achieve. They make baseless allegations against the Government to this day, and have failed to recognise the Government's genuine efforts. Instead, they distort the true picture of what is taking place and continue to promote ethnic divisions for their political gain. This is extremely unfortunate. Heritage and ethnic identity are important, and it is important to foster them. However, instead of thinking only along ethnic lines and continuing to focus primarily on what differentiates people at the expense of what they have in common, we should look at forging a national identity first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
Take Colombo as an example. The majority of people living in Colombo today are from the Tamil and Muslim communities. They live side by side with the Sinhalese, who comprise the largest community in Sri Lanka. Many parts of Colombo that used to be predominantly Sinhalese in times past are now no longer so. When you travel across the city, you will come across a large number of Kovils, Mosques and Churches that stand alongside Buddhist Temples. Devotees of all religions and ethnicities participate in large numbers in religious and cultural functions at these various institutions without any problem. There is no communal tension in the Colombo of today; instead, it is a shining example of a thriving multicultural hub where people of all communities live side by side in harmony. They identify themselves first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
Replicating the success of Colombo throughout Sri Lanka is largely a function of time, economic development, and the breaking down of any misperceptions that still remain. All Sri Lankans require and deserve equality and equal opportunity. As a nation, Sri Lanka needs to address any complaints of discrimination that exist in society. It is fundamentally important that all Sri Lankans feel equal to one another, and that nobody feels that their ethnicity, language, religion, caste, gender or political beliefs stands in the way of their opportunities.
In actual fact, is should be noted that there are very few such barriers prevailing in today's society. If we look at the Universities, it is evident that students from all communities pursue studies in a variety of fields. In all professions, whether it is medicine, engineering, law, academia or business, each and every community is very well represented. Even in the one area in which minority communities were underrepresented-that is, the military and the police-the Government has taken action to redress the balance. Soon after the war, the Government aggressively pursued the recruitment of Tamil speaking policemen. Many of these policemen have already been trained and have been posted to Police Stations in the North and East. Steps have also been taken to encourage public servants to learn Tamil. These initiatives will help ensure that no Sri Lankan has cause to feel disadvantaged in their interactions with the state, irrespective of the language they speak.
Unfortunately, the conversation in the political sphere focuses less on such basic initiatives, and more on abstract political ideals that will only lead to further differentiation rather than assist reconciliation. It must be said that this is not done with any true feeling for the needs of the people, but to safeguard existing political advantages and further personal agendas. Race politics has long been a crutch for politicians who do not have constructive ideas. It is extremely sad that there are still a number of politicians in Sri Lanka who cannot rise above this petty instinct. It is even more unfortunate that there are some in the international community who wittingly or unwittingly exploit this petty instinct to rekindle the flames of communal disharmony in Sri Lanka. They do this by complaining about certain issues in relation to the Humanitarian Operation.
The first issue they focus on is accountability. In the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation, various people started making various claims about the number of civilians killed and missing during the last stages of the conflict. Some say 10,000 people were killed; others say 40,000, and a few make claims for even higher numbers. I strongly emphasise that these are arbitrary figures with no basis in reality. Nevertheless, the Government has been conscious of the need to address this issue through a proper assessment.
The approach the Government took in this regard was a very professional one. The Department of Census and Statistics, which is the official Government arm for these matters, conducted a complete census of the concerned area. In keeping with the usual practice, Government servants of the relevant districts were tasked with carrying out the work. In the case of the Northern Province, this meant that Tamil Government servants were given the responsibility to conduct the census. In the questionnaire that was used, the issue of people who died and went missing during the Humanitarian Operation was specifically addressed. With the completion of the census, it has been possible to identify, specifically by name, all such persons. The census is now in the process of finalisation, and the relevant information will be released in the near future.
It is important to note that number of dead and missing in this forthcoming census will include people in the following categories:
* Those who died of natural causes
* Those who died of accidents
* Those who left this country through illegal means, particularly by boat to India or to South East Asia, and from there to the West
* Those who died whilst fighting as members of the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of being coerced to fight by the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of resisting the LTTE-for which we have ample evidence through other sources, including aerial footage. There is also new gruesome evidence that has come to light, which will be made known to the public very soon, about how the LTTE killed injured cadres and even young children who were housed in a church during this time.
* The final category of deaths are those that occurred due to military action
It is only for the deaths of people in this last category that the Sri Lankan Military can bear any responsibility. As a result of the census, we already know that the real number of dead and missing is far too small to provide any substance to the absurd allegations of genocide and war crimes that have been made against our military by the rump of the LTTE and their cronies.
Another fact that needs to be understood very clearly is that the Sri Lankan military was engaged in fighting a formidable foe. The LTTE was not far behind the Sri Lankan military in the arms, ammunition and equipment that it had at its disposal. It also had approximately 25,000 cadres in its ranks at the time the Humanitarian Operation commenced. During the three and a half years of this Operation, 6,000 personnel of the Sri Lanka Armed Forces were killed in action. Another 25,000 were severely injured. This should give some indication of the ferocity of the fighting that was taking place.
If the extremely well trained Sri Lankan military suffered 6,000 deaths and 25,000 serious injuries, it should be evident the number of LTTE casualties should be comparable or higher. However, this consideration gets almost no attention when allegations are made about the number of dead and missing during the conflict. It is almost as if those who make allegations about the deaths in battle are under the impression that the Sri Lankan military was fighting phantoms. The manifest absurdity of this underscores the lack of perspective of those who make these claims.
The second major issue focused on by those who criticise Sri Lanka concerns impunity. Again, those who level this criticism have very little understanding of the true picture. In 2003, Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe, who was then Prime Minister, requested the United States Department of Defence to study the situation in Sri Lanka and make a detailed report on the conflict. The team that visited Sri Lanka carefully analysed the threat posed by the LTTE and the capability of the Sri Lankan military to meet that threat. This team's report commends the professionalism of the Sri Lankan military, with a particular emphasis on the excellence of the officer cadre and its wealth of practical knowledge. The report states: "The strength of the Army is undoubtedly their impressive soldiers who endure tremendous hardship while maintaining a fighting spirit that has prevented more drastic defeats. They have an impressive training programme using Special Forces and Commandos to improve their individual and small unit training. They also have an excellent training site at Maduru Oya."
The praise contained in this Department of Defence report is unsurprising. Our officer cadre comprises people of high calibre, who receive ample local training, including university education, as well as training in many prestigious military academies all over the world. The training of those selected to the elite Special Forces and Commando units is comprehensive and extremely professional. In keeping with the professionalism of the Sri Lankan military, the Humanitarian Operation was conducted with a great deal of precision and care.
However, it needs to be understood that during the three and a half year period of the Humanitarian Operation, the Sri Lankan military had to be expanded at a rapid pace. In the circumstances, it is possible that a few individuals who lacked the capacity to withstand the pressures of warfare with the required composure may have been recruited. This is not a very unusual thing in warfare, and there have been unfortunate examples of excesses by individuals in each and every war that has been fought, whether in the World Wars, Vietnam, Afghanistan or Iraq.
The most crucial thing to realise is that the Sri Lankan military, as a professional fighting force, has robust internal mechanisms to minimise the occurrence of crimes during warfare as well as deal with any who commit them. With the assistance of the ICRC, the UNDP and other organisations, Sri Lankan military personnel have undergone extensive training on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law during the past several years. Training is conducted even at the field level, and there is a strong institutional framework to monitor alleged infringements. Human Rights cells exist in each division, brigade and battalion of the Sri Lanka Army, and these cells provide assistance to the inquiries of the Military Police as well as the civil police in case of any complaints being lodged.
During the course of the Humanitarian Operations, investigations were conducted on all allegations, including those concerning major offenses including murder, rape and sexual abuse. Swift action was taken by the military to punish those individuals found guilty of such crimes. Action was also pursued in the civil courts. If, in future, any substantial evidence is provided on crimes committed by its personnel, the Sri Lankan military will not hesitate to take appropriate action.
In this context, it must also be stressed that the Government is committed to following through on its responsibilities in terms of accountability. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by His Excellency the President in 2009 has gone into all matters concerned with the conflict. Its report has been handed over to the President, and if there are any specific allegations or evidence of crimes therein, investigations will be undertaken and necessary action taken against those involved. The Government is also committed to implementing general recommendations made by the LLRC with regard to reconciliation.
However, it must be borne in mind that on all these matters, Sri Lanka will act on its own accord. As a sovereign nation with a rich culture and a proud heritage, Sri Lanka does not need external guidance to achieve reconciliation. This will be achieved through an organic, local effort consistent with our culture and our values, and not based on external ideal others try to impose on us. It is evident that cultural norms differ from country to country. People living in the United States of America, or Australia, or Canada, or the United Kingdom, or any other country, have no proper understanding of the ground situation in Sri Lanka nor do they understand our current cultural context. It is not for outsiders to impose their values or their judgments on Sri Lanka. It is the same Sri Lankans who suffered from the ravages of LTTE terrorism for thirty years and who are now reaping the rewards of peace that will find solutions to our national issues-not outsiders.
Sri Lanka today is a nation striving to achieve prosperity on the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism. Reconciliation is an essential part of this endeavour, and it is one that will be achieved. As we step forward into a peaceful and prosperous future, I have every confidence that all of us, irrespective of our ethnicity, religion, caste, gender or political affiliation, will put aside our differences and work and live together. We will first and foremost be Sri Lankans.
Sri Lanka today is one of the most secure and stable countries in the entire world-Secretary Defence
Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa today (24 Nov), delivering the key note speech at the Inaugural National Conference on Reconciliation: "The Way Forward for Post Conflict Sri Lanka" said "Sri Lanka today is not only one of the most secure and stable countries in Asia but in the entire world."
The Secretary briefly explained how the LTTE unleashed its terror on the citizens of this country, starting from the assignation of Mr. Alfred Duraiappa, the Mayor of Jaffna, in 1975 to the end of Humanitarian Operation concluded in May 2009.
Further the Secretary Defence went on to explain that how the countrymen irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political affiliation, are reaping the rewards of peace, and he said that freedom of movement, restoration of democracy and improvement of the country's economy are significant achievements with the return peace. "The return of peace, the restoration of freedom and democracy, and the prospect of a resurgent economy have all been made possible by the success of the Humanitarian Operation that put an end to the terrorist activities of the LTTE" he said.
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The full text of the speech:
I am grateful to the Honourable G. L. Pieris, Minister of External Affairs, for having invited me to deliver the keynote address at the inaugural National Conference on Reconciliation, hosted by the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies. The late Honourable Lakshman Kadirgamar was a great servant of this nation, whose determined and selfless contributions to Sri Lanka were tragically cut short by an LTTE sniper in August 2005. During his life, Mr. Kadirgamar strongly believed that "People who live in Sri Lanka are first and foremost Sri Lankans". As this country builds its future on the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism, these are words for us all to remember.
Sri Lanka's experience with terrorism began in the 1970s. By the time His Excellency the President Mahinda Rajapaksa assumed office in December 2005, terrorist activities in this country had continued for nearly thirty years. During these 3 decades, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam unleashed waves of terror that caused untold suffering for all Sri Lankans. The list of its atrocities is long. The LTTE carried out ethnic cleansing in the North and parts of the East, brutally driving out more than 100,000 Sinhalese and Muslim civilians from their homes. The LTTE attacked places of worship including the Sri Maha Bodhiya, the Temple of the Tooth, several churches, and also carried out massacres at Mosques. The LTTE's countless attacks on the vulnerable villages near areas they dominated, together with the bombs they unleashed in the rest of the country, killed approximately 9,800 civilians and grievously wounded more than 10,000.
The LTTE continually attacked vital national infrastructure in its bid to disrupt normal life and cause maximum casualties to civilians. Its attack on the Central Bank in the heart of Colombo in 1996 killed 86 and wounded more than 1,300, and it also put at risk the entire financial system whilst badly damaging much of the financial hub. Its numerous attacks on the Kolonnawa oil refinery, as well as its attacks on the Kelanitissa and Kerawalapitiya power plants were intended to cripple the country by attacking its energy infrastructure. Its attack carried out at the International Airport in 2001 destroyed several passenger aircraft and caused untold damage to the entire tourism industry. Its attack on the Central Bus Stand in Fort killed over 100 people and injured close to 300, and its numerous attacks on train and buses all over the country killed hundreds more, spreading panic in the country at large. The LTTE was relentless in its use of suicide cadres, car bombs, truck bombs, and even light aircraft in carrying out these attacks to destabilise Sri Lankan society, and it showed sophistication and ruthlessness beyond any other terrorist group in the world in pursuing its objectives.
The LTTE's skill at political assassinations was another defining feature of its campaign of terror. Mr. Alfred Duraiappa, the Mayor of Jaffna, was the LTTE's first political target in 1975. Defence Minister Ranjan Wijeratne was killed in a bomb attack carried out in 1991. Former Deputy Minister of Defence Lalith Athulathmudali was killed in 1993. Opposition Presidential Candidate Gamini Dissanayake was killed along with Parliamentarians G. M. Premachandra, Weerasinghe Mallimarachchi, Ossie Abeygunasekara, and numerous others in a bombing just before the Presidential Election in 1994. Killings by the LTTE continued through to the recent past, with Ministers D. M. Dassanayake and Jeyaraj Fernandopulle being killed in 2008. The most notable assassinations carried out by the LTTE were the killing of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the killing of serving Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1993. In sum, the LTTE killed 7 Cabinet Ministers, 37 Parliamentarians and more than 50 office bearing political figures during its terror campaign. Its intention was to undermine Sri Lanka's democracy.
The overall impact of the LTTE's terrorism was devastating. In addition to the thousands of casualties it caused, the aura of fear and uncertainty it created had a severe impact on all Sri Lankans. In areas outside the LTTE's control, ordinary peoples' day-to-day lives were transformed. Parents did not travel together in the same vehicle for fear of orphaning their children by getting caught in a bomb blast. Students' school attendance dropped every time rumours spread about impending terrorist attacks. Law and order deteriorated as terrorism fostered crime and corruption. The underworld became more powerful and its members gained access to arms and ammunition from various armed groups operating in the country at large. An entire generation grew up under a veil of fear.
In areas under LTTE dominance, matters were even worse. The LTTE did not tolerate any opposition. It assassinated democratic leaders and intellectuals in the Tamil community in order to style itself the sole representative of the Tamil people. In this effort, it killed such democratic politicians as former Opposition Leader A. Amirthalingam, Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front, Mr. Y. Yogeshwaran and Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam of the same party, Mr. Sam Thambimuttu and Mr. K Pathmabanda of the EPRLF.
In addition to moderate politicians, the LTTE also assassinated the leaders of other armed groups in these areas, including C. Thanabalasingham of the TNT, K Sundaram of PLOTE and Sri Sabaratnam of TELO. On occasion, the LTTE even wiped out the entire command structure of groups it saw as opponents. By eliminating all rivals, the LTTE was able to keep the people in the areas it dominated under a virtual dictatorship. Though it pretended, at its height, to have a judicial system and a police force, these were shams constructed to disguise a territory ruled at gunpoint. No one in those areas was truly safe; no one was truly free.
Apart from all this, the simple fact that a ruthless terrorist group was operational in the country and dominated parts of its territory had a devastating impact on Sri Lanka's prospects. The economy stagnated. Infrastructure development could not be given due priority. Large areas of fertile land were inaccessible for agriculture. Restrictions on sea movements affected the fishing industry. Bad publicity and adverse travel advisories kept tourists away. Industrialisation was virtually halted as both local and foreign investment slowed to a trickle. Many of our best and brightest sought to build safer lives for themselves away from Sri Lanka, resulting in brain drain. Most of the economic growth that took place was localised in the Western Province and the largest cities in the other provinces. The North and East were virtually isolated. The political, social and economic costs of terrorism set back Sri Lanka's national progress by many years.
When His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected to the Presidency in 2005, he had a mandate from the people to end the terrorist conflict once and for all. This was a daunting task. Four previous Presidents as well as several successive Governments comprising various political parties had grappled with the issue of LTTE terrorism without success. Over the years, a range of different approaches including military campaigns, peace talks, and even international mediation had been tried. None had succeeded.
The first peace talks took place in 1985 in Thimpu, Bhutan. The LTTE was one of several Tamil groups participating in these talks. During the ceasefire granted by the Government to facilitate the talks, it strengthened itself militarily by obtaining AK-47 machine guns, Rocket Propelled Grenades and explosives. After the talks failed, the LTTE used the military advantage it had gained to systematically attack and decimate the other Tamil groups. By 1987, when the Indian intervention occurred at a time the Sri Lankan Government was in a position to end the conflict militarily, the LTTE was the dominant militant group. Its refusal to surrender arms and its many provocations during that period led to the Indian Peace Keeping Force becoming combatants in the conflict. Eventually, more than 1,100 soldiers of the IPKF were killed and over 2,700 wounded in combat with the LTTE.
By 1989, the LTTE was weakened and once again sought the respite of a ceasefire. As a gesture of goodwill, the Government requested the IPKF to leave Sri Lanka. In June 1990, in the middle of peace talks with the Government, the LTTE unilaterally broke the ceasefire and returned to violence. It launched severe attacks against Muslim civilians, killing nearly 150 during prayers at Kathankudy and more than 170 in Eravur, Batticalao. It then expelled the 75,000 Muslim residents of Jaffna. LTTE violence continued until October 1994, when the Government once again offered to negotiate in the hope of a peaceful settlement. The ceasefire entered into was once again unilaterally broken by the LTTE in 1995 when they destroyed naval gunboats at Trincomalee harbour. Not long after, the LTTE used Surface to Air missiles obtained during the preceding ceasefire to shoot down aircraft of the Sri Lanka Air Force.
Despite the long history of LTTE treachery during peace talks, the Government of Sri Lanka continued trying to end the conflict through peaceful means. In 2001, the Norwegian facilitated peace process commenced. The LTTE never took action to address any substantive issues during this period. Instead, it exploited all the concessions granted under the ceasefire to strengthen itself militarily. The LTTE acquired new arms, ammunition and equipment, including light aircraft. The LTTE recruited more cadres, including child soldiers, and its strength grew to approximately 25,000. Although the peace process was stalled and the ceasefire was nominally in place, it was clear that the LTTE was gearing up for war just as it had done during each previous peace process.
Despite the LTTE's history of insincerity and its opportunism during the ceasefire period, the President was keen to restart the stalled peace process as soon as he was elected into office. His intention was to resolve the conflict peacefully. Towards this end, he repeatedly requested the LTTE to come for direct talks with the Government. Instead of responding genuinely, the LTTE misused the attempted peace talks in 2006 and intensified its provocative behaviour. It relentlessly attacked key military targets, including our highest-ranking officers, and continued to carry out acts of mindless violence against innocent civilians.
The Government bore these provocations with patience for many months, until the LTTE threatened a major humanitarian disaster by shutting down the sluice gates at Maavilaru in July 2006. This was a key irrigation canal for agriculture in the East, and its closure cut off water to thousands of acres of farmland and over five thousand households. Over 9,500 Muslims, 8,000 Sinhalese and 4,400 Tamils were left without access to water by this inhuman act, and immediate action was needed to prevent a major catastrophe. When all peaceful efforts to resolve the problem failed, the Government had no option but to launch a limited military operation to reopen the sluice gates.
During the initial stages of that operation, the LTTE attacked military positions around the Trincomalee harbour and launched attacks in the North shortly afterwards. It was clear that the closure of the Maavilaru sluice gate had only been the LTTE's first move in a well-planned offensive. Because of the immediate threat to strategic military positions, the Government expanded the limited operation that had been launched to liberate Maavilaru. Considering the long history of the LTTE's atrocities against the people of Sri Lanka and its repeated rejections of all efforts for a peaceful settlement, including those efforts with international mediation, the Government decided to rid the country of the LTTE menace once and for all. In three and a half years, that objective was achieved.
Today, Sri Lanka is a nation at peace. As a result of the Humanitarian Operation to defeat terrorism, the primary obstacle to Sri Lanka's prospects-the LTTE-has been removed. In looking back at what has happened over the last two years, the benefits this country has gained through the dismantling the LTTE are very clear. The senseless killing has stopped. Irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political affiliation, all Sri Lankans are reaping the rewards of peace. The quality of life has improved tremendously. With the constant threat of terrorism removed, people can live their lives in full and without fear. Sri Lanka today is not only one of the most secure and stable countries in Asia but in the entire world.
Perhaps the most heartening outcome of the dawn of peace has been the freedom of movement that all Sri Lankans finally enjoy. People are able to travel throughout the entire country without being impeded; the numbers travelling from North to South, and vice versa, are truly remarkable. The number of expatriates travelling to the North is also extremely noteworthy. Thousands of people from nearly 100 countries have returned to Sri Lanka to visit the homes they left behind during the dark days of the conflict. This is a very encouraging sign, and one of the great benefits of the restoration of peace.
Another critical gain from peace is the holding of free and fair elections in every part of Sri Lanka. Local authority elections, provincial council elections, a Presidential election and a General election have all been held over the past two years. In the areas formerly dominated by the LTTE, people exercised their franchise without fear for the first time in three decades. The fact that political plurality has returned to these areas is clear from the results of these elections. The swift restoration of democracy to those parts of Sri Lanka previously under LTTE dominance is something to be proud of. Further, it needs to be noted that many former militants are now playing an active role in politics. The LTTE's one time Eastern Province Commander, Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan, also known as Karuna Amman, is a junior Cabinet Minister. A former LTTE child soldier, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, also known as Pillayan, is the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province. A number of former LTTE cadres have also become Chairmen of local government bodies. Their participation in the political process demonstrates the robustness of Sri Lanka's democracy, and highlights the focus on reconciliation.
The economy is also showing marked signs of improvement. With thousands of acres of arable land once again accessible, and key irrigation infrastructure being restored, agriculture is poised to expand significantly in the coming years. With the removal of the restrictions that had to be enforced due to terrorism, the fishing industry has already rebounded and registered tremendous growth. With the withdrawing of adverse travel advisories and the knowledge that the country is finally at peace, tourist arrivals have increased significantly. Local and foreign investment is on the rise, and new commercial activity is starting to take place in previously ignored areas. Sri Lanka is finally in a position to realise the economic potential that has been pent up for so many years.
The return of peace, the restoration of freedom and democracy, and the prospect of a resurgent economy have all been made possible by the success of the Humanitarian Operation that put an end to the terrorist activities of the LTTE. However, it should be noted that the rump of the LTTE is still active outside Sri Lanka, and is still attempting to tarnish the image of this nation and set back the peace that was achieved two years ago. We must remain vigilant, and not allow ourselves to be divided or distracted by their destructive agenda. Having been so closely linked with the terrorist cause, they seem unable to let go of their outmoded ideas and face the reality of a united and peaceful Sri Lanka. Instead of providing any support for the on-going reconstruction and reconciliation efforts, the sole interest of these parties is in casting aspersions against the Government.
The true commitment of the Government of Sri Lanka to all its citizens can be gauged by the actions it took in the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation in 2009. It is important to understand that the Government faced several immense challenges at that time, and it should be appreciated that these challenges were met with great professionalism.
Without doubt, the most pressing issue of concern in the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation was housing the 294,000 Internally Displaced People who had served as the LTTE's human shield. The villages and towns they had been displaced from had been mined heavily by the LTTE during the last stages of the Humanitarian Operation, and it was impossible for them to safely return to their homes until those areas had been completely demined and made safe for habitation. Taking care of such a large number of IDPs in this way was a tremendous undertaking that involved a concerted effort by the Government machinery, together with assistance from various international actors, including the UN organisations and other agencies.
While the IDPs were being looked after in the camps, the Government, together with several Non Governmental Organisations such as the Danish Demining Group, the Foundation Suisse de Deminage and the Sarvatra demining group of India, worked very hard to demine the towns and villages in the North and make them habitable once again. The Corps of Engineers of the Sri Lanka Army did the bulk of the work, with assistance from several foreign governments and international organisations. As demining progressed, the internally displaced were resettled in their places of origin.
Today, only 3,173 families remain to be resettled, and less than 3,000 IDPs remain in camps. Most of the IDPS who are yet to be resettled come from areas caught up in heavy fighting during the last stages of the Humanitarian Operation. While the clearing of those areas takes place, they will be given houses in adjacent, unaffected land and given the option of moving back to their homes once they are certified as safe. It must be stressed that the speed at which demining has taken place is remarkable, considering the extent of the problem that the LTTE caused. To date, more than 42,000 Antipersonnel Mines, 227 Antitank Mines and more than 15,000 items of Unexploded Ordnance have been recovered from these areas.
Another issue that faced the Government was dealing with the more than 11,000 former LTTE cadres who surrendered or were detained by the military during the course of the Humanitarian Operation. All of them were sorted according to their level of involvement in the LTTE's activities. Cadres with known higher-level involvement in LTTE atrocities were separated and identified for prosecution. The vast majority of former combatants, however, had a lower level of involvement in LTTE activities, and were therefore sent for extensive rehabilitation programmes.
Rehabilitation was an area of particular concern to the Government, as its intention was to reintegrate the former combatants to normal society as soon as possible. This is an important consideration in terms of reconciliation, and it is heartening to note that the work done in this regard to date has been very successful. All programmes were conducted under the close supervision of the Commissioner General of Rehabilitation, and they were geared towards ensuring that the former combatants could readjust to normal life and reintegrate with society.
Psychological care was provided to all those in the rehabilitation programme, including counselling and drama, dance and music therapy. Spiritual and religious programmes were also conducted. Adult cadres were given extensive vocational training and have been able to acquire new skills to help them become productive citizens. The rapid progress of reintegration is laudable, with over 10,300 former cadres returned to society, and less than 700 remaining in the rehabilitation centres.
Careful attention was given to the care of the 595 LTTE Child Soldiers in Government custody; they were rehabilitated under a programme assisted by UNICEF, and sent back to their families within one year. I am happy to note that several former child soldiers successfully passed their Advanced Level examination, and some even gained entry to medical school.
In addition to demining, resettlement and rehabilitation, the Government has provided numerous forms of assistance to help citizens in the North lead normal lives. Infrastructure development is being carried out at a very rapid pace. Major programmes are underway to develop the road network, the railway track, electricity grid, and irrigation infrastructure. The Government has already restored the irrigation infrastructure that had remained in a state of disrepair for so many years. The tanks and irrigation canals are back to full working condition and agriculture can now flourish in the North. Indeed, a great deal of produce from this area is now coming into markets in the rest of the country. In addition, support has been extended for the restoration of livelihoods, with schemes in place to provide concessionary financing to people seeking to engage in farming, fishing, agriculture and business. Through all these means, the Government is doing everything it can to restore normalcy to these civilians, who had suffered for so many years during their virtual isolation from the rest of the country because of the LTTE.
We need to understand that this long period of isolation has caused several other issues. An entire generation grew up knowing nothing but war. As a result of being under the LTTE for almost thirty years, most of the civilians in these areas were brainwashed into fearing the Government of Sri Lanka. By demonising the Government and the majority Sinhalese, the LTTE created a fear psychosis that is only slowly disappearing. By rehabilitating the vast majority of LTTE cadres, looking after the Internally Displaced, demining their villages, restoring the infrastructure, and by providing assistance for the restoration of livelihoods, the Government of Sri Lanka has already done a great deal to dispel this psychosis. More is required.
It is absolutely essential that the parties in the democratic mainstream understand the grassroots level requirements of the people and refrain from pushing a divisive agenda purely for their own political gain. It is clear that some politicians wish to promote an agenda not very different from what the LTTE wanted to achieve. They make baseless allegations against the Government to this day, and have failed to recognise the Government's genuine efforts. Instead, they distort the true picture of what is taking place and continue to promote ethnic divisions for their political gain. This is extremely unfortunate. Heritage and ethnic identity are important, and it is important to foster them. However, instead of thinking only along ethnic lines and continuing to focus primarily on what differentiates people at the expense of what they have in common, we should look at forging a national identity first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
Take Colombo as an example. The majority of people living in Colombo today are from the Tamil and Muslim communities. They live side by side with the Sinhalese, who comprise the largest community in Sri Lanka. Many parts of Colombo that used to be predominantly Sinhalese in times past are now no longer so. When you travel across the city, you will come across a large number of Kovils, Mosques and Churches that stand alongside Buddhist Temples. Devotees of all religions and ethnicities participate in large numbers in religious and cultural functions at these various institutions without any problem. There is no communal tension in the Colombo of today; instead, it is a shining example of a thriving multicultural hub where people of all communities live side by side in harmony. They identify themselves first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
Replicating the success of Colombo throughout Sri Lanka is largely a function of time, economic development, and the breaking down of any misperceptions that still remain. All Sri Lankans require and deserve equality and equal opportunity. As a nation, Sri Lanka needs to address any complaints of discrimination that exist in society. It is fundamentally important that all Sri Lankans feel equal to one another, and that nobody feels that their ethnicity, language, religion, caste, gender or political beliefs stands in the way of their opportunities.
In actual fact, is should be noted that there are very few such barriers prevailing in today's society. If we look at the Universities, it is evident that students from all communities pursue studies in a variety of fields. In all professions, whether it is medicine, engineering, law, academia or business, each and every community is very well represented. Even in the one area in which minority communities were underrepresented-that is, the military and the police-the Government has taken action to redress the balance. Soon after the war, the Government aggressively pursued the recruitment of Tamil speaking policemen. Many of these policemen have already been trained and have been posted to Police Stations in the North and East. Steps have also been taken to encourage public servants to learn Tamil. These initiatives will help ensure that no Sri Lankan has cause to feel disadvantaged in their interactions with the state, irrespective of the language they speak.
Unfortunately, the conversation in the political sphere focuses less on such basic initiatives, and more on abstract political ideals that will only lead to further differentiation rather than assist reconciliation. It must be said that this is not done with any true feeling for the needs of the people, but to safeguard existing political advantages and further personal agendas. Race politics has long been a crutch for politicians who do not have constructive ideas. It is extremely sad that there are still a number of politicians in Sri Lanka who cannot rise above this petty instinct. It is even more unfortunate that there are some in the international community who wittingly or unwittingly exploit this petty instinct to rekindle the flames of communal disharmony in Sri Lanka. They do this by complaining about certain issues in relation to the Humanitarian Operation.
The first issue they focus on is accountability. In the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation, various people started making various claims about the number of civilians killed and missing during the last stages of the conflict. Some say 10,000 people were killed; others say 40,000, and a few make claims for even higher numbers. I strongly emphasise that these are arbitrary figures with no basis in reality. Nevertheless, the Government has been conscious of the need to address this issue through a proper assessment.
The approach the Government took in this regard was a very professional one. The Department of Census and Statistics, which is the official Government arm for these matters, conducted a complete census of the concerned area. In keeping with the usual practice, Government servants of the relevant districts were tasked with carrying out the work. In the case of the Northern Province, this meant that Tamil Government servants were given the responsibility to conduct the census. In the questionnaire that was used, the issue of people who died and went missing during the Humanitarian Operation was specifically addressed. With the completion of the census, it has been possible to identify, specifically by name, all such persons. The census is now in the process of finalisation, and the relevant information will be released in the near future.
It is important to note that number of dead and missing in this forthcoming census will include people in the following categories:
* Those who died of natural causes
* Those who died of accidents
* Those who left this country through illegal means, particularly by boat to India or to South East Asia, and from there to the West
* Those who died whilst fighting as members of the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of being coerced to fight by the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of resisting the LTTE-for which we have ample evidence through other sources, including aerial footage. There is also new gruesome evidence that has come to light, which will be made known to the public very soon, about how the LTTE killed injured cadres and even young children who were housed in a church during this time.
* The final category of deaths are those that occurred due to military action
It is only for the deaths of people in this last category that the Sri Lankan Military can bear any responsibility. As a result of the census, we already know that the real number of dead and missing is far too small to provide any substance to the absurd allegations of genocide and war crimes that have been made against our military by the rump of the LTTE and their cronies.
Another fact that needs to be understood very clearly is that the Sri Lankan military was engaged in fighting a formidable foe. The LTTE was not far behind the Sri Lankan military in the arms, ammunition and equipment that it had at its disposal. It also had approximately 25,000 cadres in its ranks at the time the Humanitarian Operation commenced. During the three and a half years of this Operation, 6,000 personnel of the Sri Lanka Armed Forces were killed in action. Another 25,000 were severely injured. This should give some indication of the ferocity of the fighting that was taking place.
If the extremely well trained Sri Lankan military suffered 6,000 deaths and 25,000 serious injuries, it should be evident the number of LTTE casualties should be comparable or higher. However, this consideration gets almost no attention when allegations are made about the number of dead and missing during the conflict. It is almost as if those who make allegations about the deaths in battle are under the impression that the Sri Lankan military was fighting phantoms. The manifest absurdity of this underscores the lack of perspective of those who make these claims.
The second major issue focused on by those who criticise Sri Lanka concerns impunity. Again, those who level this criticism have very little understanding of the true picture. In 2003, Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe, who was then Prime Minister, requested the United States Department of Defence to study the situation in Sri Lanka and make a detailed report on the conflict. The team that visited Sri Lanka carefully analysed the threat posed by the LTTE and the capability of the Sri Lankan military to meet that threat. This team's report commends the professionalism of the Sri Lankan military, with a particular emphasis on the excellence of the officer cadre and its wealth of practical knowledge. The report states: "The strength of the Army is undoubtedly their impressive soldiers who endure tremendous hardship while maintaining a fighting spirit that has prevented more drastic defeats. They have an impressive training programme using Special Forces and Commandos to improve their individual and small unit training. They also have an excellent training site at Maduru Oya."
The praise contained in this Department of Defence report is unsurprising. Our officer cadre comprises people of high calibre, who receive ample local training, including university education, as well as training in many prestigious military academies all over the world. The training of those selected to the elite Special Forces and Commando units is comprehensive and extremely professional. In keeping with the professionalism of the Sri Lankan military, the Humanitarian Operation was conducted with a great deal of precision and care.
However, it needs to be understood that during the three and a half year period of the Humanitarian Operation, the Sri Lankan military had to be expanded at a rapid pace. In the circumstances, it is possible that a few individuals who lacked the capacity to withstand the pressures of warfare with the required composure may have been recruited. This is not a very unusual thing in warfare, and there have been unfortunate examples of excesses by individuals in each and every war that has been fought, whether in the World Wars, Vietnam, Afghanistan or Iraq.
The most crucial thing to realise is that the Sri Lankan military, as a professional fighting force, has robust internal mechanisms to minimise the occurrence of crimes during warfare as well as deal with any who commit them. With the assistance of the ICRC, the UNDP and other organisations, Sri Lankan military personnel have undergone extensive training on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law during the past several years. Training is conducted even at the field level, and there is a strong institutional framework to monitor alleged infringements. Human Rights cells exist in each division, brigade and battalion of the Sri Lanka Army, and these cells provide assistance to the inquiries of the Military Police as well as the civil police in case of any complaints being lodged.
During the course of the Humanitarian Operations, investigations were conducted on all allegations, including those concerning major offenses including murder, rape and sexual abuse. Swift action was taken by the military to punish those individuals found guilty of such crimes. Action was also pursued in the civil courts. If, in future, any substantial evidence is provided on crimes committed by its personnel, the Sri Lankan military will not hesitate to take appropriate action.
In this context, it must also be stressed that the Government is committed to following through on its responsibilities in terms of accountability. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by His Excellency the President in 2009 has gone into all matters concerned with the conflict. Its report has been handed over to the President, and if there are any specific allegations or evidence of crimes therein, investigations will be undertaken and necessary action taken against those involved. The Government is also committed to implementing general recommendations made by the LLRC with regard to reconciliation.
However, it must be borne in mind that on all these matters, Sri Lanka will act on its own accord. As a sovereign nation with a rich culture and a proud heritage, Sri Lanka does not need external guidance to achieve reconciliation. This will be achieved through an organic, local effort consistent with our culture and our values, and not based on external ideal others try to impose on us. It is evident that cultural norms differ from country to country. People living in the United States of America, or Australia, or Canada, or the United Kingdom, or any other country, have no proper understanding of the ground situation in Sri Lanka nor do they understand our current cultural context. It is not for outsiders to impose their values or their judgments on Sri Lanka. It is the same Sri Lankans who suffered from the ravages of LTTE terrorism for thirty years and who are now reaping the rewards of peace that will find solutions to our national issues-not outsiders.
Sri Lanka today is a nation striving to achieve prosperity on the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism. Reconciliation is an essential part of this endeavour, and it is one that will be achieved. As we step forward into a peaceful and prosperous future, I have every confidence that all of us, irrespective of our ethnicity, religion, caste, gender or political affiliation, will put aside our differences and work and live together. We will first and foremost be Sri Lankans.
Sunday, November 27, 2011
http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=39925
Govt. concerned about US meddling in domestic affairs
November 26, 2011, 7:17 pm
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The UPFA alleges the US embassy is increasingly interfering in domestic political issues, thereby undermine the government.
The SLFP-led coalition believes that the US is trying to cause a rift in the government over the imprisonment of defeated presidential candidate, former Army Chief, Gen. Sarath Fonseka. The party was responding to US Ambassador Patricia Butenis taking up the issue with SLFP General Secretary, Minister Maithripala Sirisena in the wake of the conclusion of the ‘White Flag’ case.
Government sources said that a diplomat handling political affairs had met Minister Sirisena on behalf of Ambassador, Butenis, who originally sought one-on-one with the Healthcare Minister.
Minister Sirisena was told that the Geneva-based Human Rights Commission would be moved against the country unless a presidential pardon was given to Gen. Fonseka, whom the US categorized a political prisoner.
During the discussion, the US representative said that his country couldn’t financially back post-war development here due to financial difficulties experienced by the current administration.
Sources said that President Mahinda Rajapaksa had discussed the issue with ministers.
Responding to a query by The Sunday Island, sources said that government was concerned about the US ambassador’s action. "But what we really like to know is whether Ambassador Butenis had obtained prior approval from Washington to press Lanka on this issue," sources said.
Sources recalled a previous attempt also by the US to lure a serving senior military official to back an international war crimes inquiry targeting Sri Lanka. The government raised the issue with the US embassy, though it did pursue the matter. Sources said that the abortive bid had exposed clandestine US operation.
Sources said that a section of the international community was going out of its way to make a case against Sri Lanka to appease the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), which did nothing to save Tamil speaking people from the LTTE. In fact, the TNA gave the LTTE a licence to kill by declaring terrorists as the sole representatives of the Tamil speaking people.
Govt. concerned about US meddling in domestic affairs
November 26, 2011, 7:17 pm
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The UPFA alleges the US embassy is increasingly interfering in domestic political issues, thereby undermine the government.
The SLFP-led coalition believes that the US is trying to cause a rift in the government over the imprisonment of defeated presidential candidate, former Army Chief, Gen. Sarath Fonseka. The party was responding to US Ambassador Patricia Butenis taking up the issue with SLFP General Secretary, Minister Maithripala Sirisena in the wake of the conclusion of the ‘White Flag’ case.
Government sources said that a diplomat handling political affairs had met Minister Sirisena on behalf of Ambassador, Butenis, who originally sought one-on-one with the Healthcare Minister.
Minister Sirisena was told that the Geneva-based Human Rights Commission would be moved against the country unless a presidential pardon was given to Gen. Fonseka, whom the US categorized a political prisoner.
During the discussion, the US representative said that his country couldn’t financially back post-war development here due to financial difficulties experienced by the current administration.
Sources said that President Mahinda Rajapaksa had discussed the issue with ministers.
Responding to a query by The Sunday Island, sources said that government was concerned about the US ambassador’s action. "But what we really like to know is whether Ambassador Butenis had obtained prior approval from Washington to press Lanka on this issue," sources said.
Sources recalled a previous attempt also by the US to lure a serving senior military official to back an international war crimes inquiry targeting Sri Lanka. The government raised the issue with the US embassy, though it did pursue the matter. Sources said that the abortive bid had exposed clandestine US operation.
Sources said that a section of the international community was going out of its way to make a case against Sri Lanka to appease the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), which did nothing to save Tamil speaking people from the LTTE. In fact, the TNA gave the LTTE a licence to kill by declaring terrorists as the sole representatives of the Tamil speaking people.
http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=39820
UK has no regrets over defeat of terrorism in SL, says British HCNovember 25, 2011, 8:54 pm
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The government believes that a visit to the Eastern Province undertaken by British High Commissioner, John James Rankin, is timely, particularly in view of the ongoing attempts by the international arm of the LTTE, including those living in the UK, to undermine Sri Lanka’s post-war development process. Government sources said the three-day visit, which concluded on Thursday (Nov. 24), would have helped the British to make a realistic assessment of the ground situation.
The External Affairs Ministry said that diplomatic missions were free to organize visits to Northern and Eastern provinces, where they could meet people of all communities affected by the conflict.
HC Rankin met Chief Minister of the Eastern Province, Sivenesanthurai Chandrakanthan aka Pilleyan at the CM’s Secretariat, Kanniya Road,Varothayanagar. He also had a discussions with EP Governor Rear Admiral (Retd), Mohan Wijewickrama at Governor’s Secretariat, Lower Road, Orr’s Hill and Government Agent of Trincomalee Maj. Gen. (retd) T.T. Ranjith Silva and the Deputy Mayor of Batticaloa.
The Defence Ministry said that a fresh review of the situation in the Eastern Province would help the UK identify Sri Lankans who sought asylum in that country citing security concerns, though the war had ended over two years ago.
The British HC said that Rankin also took the opportunity to visit the Kiliveddy IDP site in Trincomalee and the Kithuluthuwa village in Morawewa, home to a resettled Sinhalese community.
The British HC spokesperson quoted the High Commissioner as having said: ""This is my first visit to the East, which is a fascinating and beautiful part of Sri Lanka. I have found it extremely valuable to meet so many people from the Muslim, Sinhalese and Tamil communities and to see the diversity of people here. Nowhere is it more obvious that Sri Lanka’s different people must work together, after years of conflict, to bring a sustainable peace to the country."
The LTTE was defeated in the East in June 2007.
The British HC spokesperson said that Rankin had met Senior DIG Jagath Abeysirigunawardena to discuss the community policing programme-a joint programme between the UK Government and the Sri Lankan Police. "The programme helps to promote positive relationships between the police and communities by training Assistant Superintendents from across the country on community policing issues, and sharing the UK experience of how the police can work with communities to carry out their policing functions more effectively."
HC Rankin also visited the Trincomalee harbour – the world’s fifth largest natural harbour – which is of strategic importance, historically and commercially; and met the members of the Trincomalee Chamber of Commerce. Rankin was quoted as having said: "I am pleased to hear that the skills and opportunities exist for increased trade and investment in the East, and that tourist numbers are increasing. I hope that this will also play a part in promoting reconciliation in the province."
Rankin’s tour began in Ampara last Tuesday, where he had a number of meetings, including one with a number of community-based organisations, representatives of government and political parties.
The High Commissioner said: "I have been touched by the warm welcome we have received from people here. To me it is important to get out in the country and meet people. Today has emphasised to me the importance of community in ensuring that people have control over their own lives. The organisations and individuals I’ve met today have all shown me the strength of communities in the East in weathering the bad times and looking forward to better."
The visit included a meeting with the Muslim community in Kalmunai, where opinion leaders shared their perspectives with the High Commissioner. HC visited two mosques attacked by the LTTE in 1990 killing 103 Muslims while at prayer. Paying his respects to the dead and their families, the High Commissioner reiterated that the UK had no regrets over the end of terrorism and hoped no such tragedy would occur again.
The High Commissioner met representatives of the Buddhist community at the Deegawapi archaeological site, where he saw local workers excavating an ancient temple. He also made a visit to Sightsavers, an organisation part funded by the Scottish Government that helps disabled people. The High Commissioner presented assistive devices to recipients and praised the valuable service rendered by the organisation.
UK has no regrets over defeat of terrorism in SL, says British HCNovember 25, 2011, 8:54 pm
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The government believes that a visit to the Eastern Province undertaken by British High Commissioner, John James Rankin, is timely, particularly in view of the ongoing attempts by the international arm of the LTTE, including those living in the UK, to undermine Sri Lanka’s post-war development process. Government sources said the three-day visit, which concluded on Thursday (Nov. 24), would have helped the British to make a realistic assessment of the ground situation.
The External Affairs Ministry said that diplomatic missions were free to organize visits to Northern and Eastern provinces, where they could meet people of all communities affected by the conflict.
HC Rankin met Chief Minister of the Eastern Province, Sivenesanthurai Chandrakanthan aka Pilleyan at the CM’s Secretariat, Kanniya Road,Varothayanagar. He also had a discussions with EP Governor Rear Admiral (Retd), Mohan Wijewickrama at Governor’s Secretariat, Lower Road, Orr’s Hill and Government Agent of Trincomalee Maj. Gen. (retd) T.T. Ranjith Silva and the Deputy Mayor of Batticaloa.
The Defence Ministry said that a fresh review of the situation in the Eastern Province would help the UK identify Sri Lankans who sought asylum in that country citing security concerns, though the war had ended over two years ago.
The British HC said that Rankin also took the opportunity to visit the Kiliveddy IDP site in Trincomalee and the Kithuluthuwa village in Morawewa, home to a resettled Sinhalese community.
The British HC spokesperson quoted the High Commissioner as having said: ""This is my first visit to the East, which is a fascinating and beautiful part of Sri Lanka. I have found it extremely valuable to meet so many people from the Muslim, Sinhalese and Tamil communities and to see the diversity of people here. Nowhere is it more obvious that Sri Lanka’s different people must work together, after years of conflict, to bring a sustainable peace to the country."
The LTTE was defeated in the East in June 2007.
The British HC spokesperson said that Rankin had met Senior DIG Jagath Abeysirigunawardena to discuss the community policing programme-a joint programme between the UK Government and the Sri Lankan Police. "The programme helps to promote positive relationships between the police and communities by training Assistant Superintendents from across the country on community policing issues, and sharing the UK experience of how the police can work with communities to carry out their policing functions more effectively."
HC Rankin also visited the Trincomalee harbour – the world’s fifth largest natural harbour – which is of strategic importance, historically and commercially; and met the members of the Trincomalee Chamber of Commerce. Rankin was quoted as having said: "I am pleased to hear that the skills and opportunities exist for increased trade and investment in the East, and that tourist numbers are increasing. I hope that this will also play a part in promoting reconciliation in the province."
Rankin’s tour began in Ampara last Tuesday, where he had a number of meetings, including one with a number of community-based organisations, representatives of government and political parties.
The High Commissioner said: "I have been touched by the warm welcome we have received from people here. To me it is important to get out in the country and meet people. Today has emphasised to me the importance of community in ensuring that people have control over their own lives. The organisations and individuals I’ve met today have all shown me the strength of communities in the East in weathering the bad times and looking forward to better."
The visit included a meeting with the Muslim community in Kalmunai, where opinion leaders shared their perspectives with the High Commissioner. HC visited two mosques attacked by the LTTE in 1990 killing 103 Muslims while at prayer. Paying his respects to the dead and their families, the High Commissioner reiterated that the UK had no regrets over the end of terrorism and hoped no such tragedy would occur again.
The High Commissioner met representatives of the Buddhist community at the Deegawapi archaeological site, where he saw local workers excavating an ancient temple. He also made a visit to Sightsavers, an organisation part funded by the Scottish Government that helps disabled people. The High Commissioner presented assistive devices to recipients and praised the valuable service rendered by the organisation.
http://www.dailynews.lk/2011/11/26/news21.asp
Five thousand families resettled after N-E demining
History has been created by a local organization by establishing the first ever South Asian humanitarian demining organization to rid the mine infested areas of Sri Lanka, which facilitated successful resettlement of over 5,000 internally displaced families.
Deminers in action
This programme was initiated by the Milinda Moragoda Institute for Peoples' Empowerment (MMIPE) in 2003, which saw the removal of landmines from a vast area exceeding 25,000 acres, facilitating those areas to be resettled and brought under economic activity.
MMIPE's humanitarian mine action programme commenced with technical support and training of local demining teams by two Indian organizations, Sarvatra Technical Consultants and Horizon. Financial support for this humanitarian programme was provided by the Royal Norwegian government.
MMIPE is carrying out de-mining activities in Muruthankulam and Cheddikulam in the Vavunia District and Pulmudai in the Trincomalee District. When completed these three tasks would enable the release of an additional 1000 acres for paddy cultivation.
The first stage of mine clearance under the programme enabled release of 25,000 acres of land in Kandasamy Nagar, Kuppiyagama, Chekkadipallavu A, Chekkadipallavu B, Ammivaithan, Ellamaruthankulam, Maruthankulam and Maruthodai, in the Vavuniya District; Poomaranthan and P/Pandivirchan in the Mannar District; Pullaiadicholai-Muttur, Poonagar, Ichchalampattu, Sankankuli, Maavillaru, Tennaimaramvadiya, Pulmudai in the Trincomalee District; Dematawewa, Diyaittawewa, Yan Oya, Thanthirimale, Kanugahawewa, Yakawewa and Kongollawa in the Anuradhapura district.
Since the inception, two Indian mine clearing teams worked to facilitate recommencement of livelihood and economic activity of Internally Displaced Persons by removing thousands of anti-personnel landmines (APLs) and un-exploded devices (UXOs). With the training provided by the Indian teams during the first two years, using a manual rake system, the MMIPE employed over 60 local personnel and established two teams representing all communities and religions.
They are probably the only de-mining organization in the region, employing multi ethnic, multi religious, and multi linguistic civic conscious de-miners with a gender balance.
Five thousand families resettled after N-E demining
History has been created by a local organization by establishing the first ever South Asian humanitarian demining organization to rid the mine infested areas of Sri Lanka, which facilitated successful resettlement of over 5,000 internally displaced families.
Deminers in action
This programme was initiated by the Milinda Moragoda Institute for Peoples' Empowerment (MMIPE) in 2003, which saw the removal of landmines from a vast area exceeding 25,000 acres, facilitating those areas to be resettled and brought under economic activity.
MMIPE's humanitarian mine action programme commenced with technical support and training of local demining teams by two Indian organizations, Sarvatra Technical Consultants and Horizon. Financial support for this humanitarian programme was provided by the Royal Norwegian government.
MMIPE is carrying out de-mining activities in Muruthankulam and Cheddikulam in the Vavunia District and Pulmudai in the Trincomalee District. When completed these three tasks would enable the release of an additional 1000 acres for paddy cultivation.
The first stage of mine clearance under the programme enabled release of 25,000 acres of land in Kandasamy Nagar, Kuppiyagama, Chekkadipallavu A, Chekkadipallavu B, Ammivaithan, Ellamaruthankulam, Maruthankulam and Maruthodai, in the Vavuniya District; Poomaranthan and P/Pandivirchan in the Mannar District; Pullaiadicholai-Muttur, Poonagar, Ichchalampattu, Sankankuli, Maavillaru, Tennaimaramvadiya, Pulmudai in the Trincomalee District; Dematawewa, Diyaittawewa, Yan Oya, Thanthirimale, Kanugahawewa, Yakawewa and Kongollawa in the Anuradhapura district.
Since the inception, two Indian mine clearing teams worked to facilitate recommencement of livelihood and economic activity of Internally Displaced Persons by removing thousands of anti-personnel landmines (APLs) and un-exploded devices (UXOs). With the training provided by the Indian teams during the first two years, using a manual rake system, the MMIPE employed over 60 local personnel and established two teams representing all communities and religions.
They are probably the only de-mining organization in the region, employing multi ethnic, multi religious, and multi linguistic civic conscious de-miners with a gender balance.
White Breed’ at Channel 4 and concocted videos…
By Prasad GunewardeneOnce again the ‘White Breed’ at Channel 4 who speaks and write English, a language falsely claimed as the ‘Queens Language’, though it has its original roots to a tribe in Germany centuries ago as evidence, are now preparing another concocted video on baseless and unfounded ‘war crimes’ in Sri Lanka, displaying the venomous pattern of the old imperial hegemony in insulting the people of Asia, as they’ve done to Africa and Latin America from time immemorial.
A few months ago, responding to a call by Sri Lanka’s Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, to take action against Channel 4 for airing an irresponsible video insulting the legitimate troops of Sri Lanka, the British government stated that Britain believed that ‘Free Media’ was a vital part of democracy, and it did not exercise control over media contents. The question that arose from the British statement was - Whether such a free media is allowed to tarnish the image of another democracy resorting unethical and undemocratic standards?
Stoop to low levelsChannel 4 had stooped to low levels in electronic journalism over a period of time attacking the island nation Sri Lanka while continuing to support a ruthless terrorist group like the LTTE.The callous attitude of the ‘White Breed’ at Channel 4 engaged in launching venomous attacks on a democracy like Sri Lanka that had crushed terrorism, should be condemned by all democratic minded citizens at global level. It’s no surprise that the ‘White Breed’ has had the habit of occupying the vanguard to throw slings and arrows at smaller nations like Sri Lanka from time immemorial.Those ‘journalists’ at Channel 4, act with deep seated feelings and animosity against the re-established freedom of Sri Lanka and her citizens who have now begun to reap benefits after crushing a ruthless terrorist outfit in 2009, having shed blood for three decades.
Crush terrorismSri Lanka is not surprised that the ‘White Breed’ at Channel 4, cannot bear the civilised patience and the braveness of this small island nation and her people who have a proud civilised history that spans over 2,500 years. According to the British statement issued following the unethical documentary on Channel 4 a few months back, the British laws looks ignorant or inadequate to control or rehabilitate its own ‘White Breed’ sitting in the offices at Channel 4. Whenever, a coloured nation outdid the ‘White’, the ‘Whites’ resorted to undemocratic and illiberal actions to throw bells, telephones, books, candles or any other implement at their command to cause injury to the innocent ‘shining’ skins.The island nation Sri Lanka, shook the ‘White Breed’, took the entire world by surprise to become the first nation in this world not only to crush, but also to uproot and eliminate terrorism, unlike the ‘White Breed’ which enjoyed nuclear power and yet struggle in that direction. Sri Lanka and her people, victorious after ending terrorism in 2009, do not believe that such laurels and plaudits are meant to be worn on the forehead, a scenario rampantly seen among the ‘White Breed ‘which has inherited a tendency to ‘jump to joy’, even when a white batsman hits a boundary in a ‘gentleman’s’ game.
True patriotismSri Lankans are a multi-ethnic people who have inherited true and authentic patriotism. Those vibrant virtues quite humbly displayed to the world have once again brought Sri Lanka under pressure from the ‘White Merchants’ of the ‘White Breed’ at Channel 4, and those in the world’s political black market, who at times backed terrorism against democratically elected legitimate governments.Channel 4, no doubt, act in a vicious manner with anger, animosity and vengeance against Sri Lanka at regular intervals, because the ‘Coloured Skin’ of this Asian island nation had stormed the citadels and bastions of the established ‘White Order’ yet struggling in fear before International Terrorist Organisations like the Al Qaeda and many others.
By Prasad GunewardeneOnce again the ‘White Breed’ at Channel 4 who speaks and write English, a language falsely claimed as the ‘Queens Language’, though it has its original roots to a tribe in Germany centuries ago as evidence, are now preparing another concocted video on baseless and unfounded ‘war crimes’ in Sri Lanka, displaying the venomous pattern of the old imperial hegemony in insulting the people of Asia, as they’ve done to Africa and Latin America from time immemorial.
A few months ago, responding to a call by Sri Lanka’s Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, to take action against Channel 4 for airing an irresponsible video insulting the legitimate troops of Sri Lanka, the British government stated that Britain believed that ‘Free Media’ was a vital part of democracy, and it did not exercise control over media contents. The question that arose from the British statement was - Whether such a free media is allowed to tarnish the image of another democracy resorting unethical and undemocratic standards?
Stoop to low levelsChannel 4 had stooped to low levels in electronic journalism over a period of time attacking the island nation Sri Lanka while continuing to support a ruthless terrorist group like the LTTE.The callous attitude of the ‘White Breed’ at Channel 4 engaged in launching venomous attacks on a democracy like Sri Lanka that had crushed terrorism, should be condemned by all democratic minded citizens at global level. It’s no surprise that the ‘White Breed’ has had the habit of occupying the vanguard to throw slings and arrows at smaller nations like Sri Lanka from time immemorial.Those ‘journalists’ at Channel 4, act with deep seated feelings and animosity against the re-established freedom of Sri Lanka and her citizens who have now begun to reap benefits after crushing a ruthless terrorist outfit in 2009, having shed blood for three decades.
Crush terrorismSri Lanka is not surprised that the ‘White Breed’ at Channel 4, cannot bear the civilised patience and the braveness of this small island nation and her people who have a proud civilised history that spans over 2,500 years. According to the British statement issued following the unethical documentary on Channel 4 a few months back, the British laws looks ignorant or inadequate to control or rehabilitate its own ‘White Breed’ sitting in the offices at Channel 4. Whenever, a coloured nation outdid the ‘White’, the ‘Whites’ resorted to undemocratic and illiberal actions to throw bells, telephones, books, candles or any other implement at their command to cause injury to the innocent ‘shining’ skins.The island nation Sri Lanka, shook the ‘White Breed’, took the entire world by surprise to become the first nation in this world not only to crush, but also to uproot and eliminate terrorism, unlike the ‘White Breed’ which enjoyed nuclear power and yet struggle in that direction. Sri Lanka and her people, victorious after ending terrorism in 2009, do not believe that such laurels and plaudits are meant to be worn on the forehead, a scenario rampantly seen among the ‘White Breed ‘which has inherited a tendency to ‘jump to joy’, even when a white batsman hits a boundary in a ‘gentleman’s’ game.
True patriotismSri Lankans are a multi-ethnic people who have inherited true and authentic patriotism. Those vibrant virtues quite humbly displayed to the world have once again brought Sri Lanka under pressure from the ‘White Merchants’ of the ‘White Breed’ at Channel 4, and those in the world’s political black market, who at times backed terrorism against democratically elected legitimate governments.Channel 4, no doubt, act in a vicious manner with anger, animosity and vengeance against Sri Lanka at regular intervals, because the ‘Coloured Skin’ of this Asian island nation had stormed the citadels and bastions of the established ‘White Order’ yet struggling in fear before International Terrorist Organisations like the Al Qaeda and many others.
http://www.dailynews.lk/2011/11/26/news33.asp
'End of terror paves way for sand deposit utilization'
Ridma DISSANAYAKE
The end of LTTE terrorism created an opportunity to harness mineral sand deposits in Pulmudai, State Resources and Enterprise Development Minister Dayashritha Tissera said.
The minister was addressing a ceremony to distribute appointment letters, service permanent letters and job promotion letters to 130 employees at the Pulmudai Mineral Sands Corporation recently.
The minister said the utilization of the sand deposits will bring foreign exchange to the country, which Sri Lanka lost in the past 30 years.
"It will be a great aid to strengthen the country's economy," he said.
Minister Tissera and Deputy Minister Sarath Kumara Gunaratne provided vehicles worth Rs 36 million for the Mineral Sands Corporation. Rs 1,000,000 was given to a mosque for repair and Rs 400,000 to the Kuchchaweli Pradeshiya Sabha to establish street lamps.
The minister and the deputy minister also provided financial assistance for nine employees of the Mineral Sands Corporation to build houses.
Mineral Sands Corporation executive director Dishan Gunasekara and Corporation's instructor S.A. Nandadeva participated.
'End of terror paves way for sand deposit utilization'
Ridma DISSANAYAKE
The end of LTTE terrorism created an opportunity to harness mineral sand deposits in Pulmudai, State Resources and Enterprise Development Minister Dayashritha Tissera said.
The minister was addressing a ceremony to distribute appointment letters, service permanent letters and job promotion letters to 130 employees at the Pulmudai Mineral Sands Corporation recently.
The minister said the utilization of the sand deposits will bring foreign exchange to the country, which Sri Lanka lost in the past 30 years.
"It will be a great aid to strengthen the country's economy," he said.
Minister Tissera and Deputy Minister Sarath Kumara Gunaratne provided vehicles worth Rs 36 million for the Mineral Sands Corporation. Rs 1,000,000 was given to a mosque for repair and Rs 400,000 to the Kuchchaweli Pradeshiya Sabha to establish street lamps.
The minister and the deputy minister also provided financial assistance for nine employees of the Mineral Sands Corporation to build houses.
Mineral Sands Corporation executive director Dishan Gunasekara and Corporation's instructor S.A. Nandadeva participated.
http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2011/11/27/pol04.asp
Pro-LTTE covert operations bared
By Shanika SRIYANANDA
While studying the final report of the much-awaited the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) regarding the root causes of the three-decade long conflict and also to counter the alleged war crimes charges, President Mahinda Rajapaksa in his address at the Convocation of the General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University (KDU) alerted the nation on covert operation by pro-LTTEers to disrupt normality under the guise of human rights violations.
He said terrorists who attacked the government hiding within civil society, were now attempting to attack the government taking cover over human rights abuses today."Even though two years have passed since defeating terrorism, challenges faced by our motherland are not yet over. During the period of terror, the money earned by terrorists was spent on purchasing weapons, ships and aircraft.
Today that money is spent on various misinformation campaigns and political conspiracies aimed at destabilising the country.False allegations levelled against the Government are still being circulated in the country.
We need to understand that telecasting programs based on fraudulent information about the conflict, forming international human rights commissions against Sri Lanka, and claims about war crimes are all inter-connected", he said.“If this was a personal attack, it would have been easy for me to tolerate. But this is not so. These attacks are against the motherland. You need to understand that it is a threats against national security. It is the duty of all of us to work towards taking the country to a top position in the world. After the liberation of the country we did not forget our war heroes. We love them, respect them and trust them and will do that forever”, the President said.
Bachelor and Masters Degrees in Management, Engineering Technology, Commerce, Technical Sciences and Arts were awarded do the graduates and trophies presented for 2011 by President Rajapaksa.
He said some accuse the government for allocating a higher percentage from the Budget for defence, but they know very little about how it is being spent. It is mainly to upgrade the standard of the forces and also the lives of those who sacrificed their lives to defeat terrorism to usher peace.
"We have allocated Rs. 229 billion for the Defence Ministry and out of that Rs. 197 allocated to pay salaries, maintenance and welfare of the Security Forces. The government intends to allocate Rs. 1175 million for the education of the security Forces as we want to have professional Lankan Forces", he said.
Seventh Budget
Presenting the seventh Budget under his leadership, President Rajapaksa said he was proud over several aspects and would like to provide them backdrop to the Budget Speech. "We were able to create a mine-free North, within a short time span of about two years, having put an end to LTTE terrorism in May 2009. We have demined 1,412 square kilometres out of the 2,046 square kilometres that were laid with landmines. We have resettled around 295,000 persons who were displaced.
The greatest achievement is being able to rehabilitate around 15,000 persons who were part of the LTTE cadres at that time and being able to hand them over to their families. People have no fear any more, that their children will be grabbed by the LTTE.Despite global uncertainties, our country has been able to sustain an eight percent growth momentum gathered in 2010, and in 2011 as well. Inflation has been moderated at five percent underscoring the success of rural centric development initiatives such as Divi Neguma, while resolving long-standing food security challenges faced by our country. Our vision Nilla Pathiruna Ratak - Atu Kotu Pirunu Hetak has become a reality by reaching self-sufficiency in rice.
Above all, I am encouraged to note that income avenues of the low income segment have improved with unemployment being reduced from eight percent to five percent and poverty, from 15.6 percent to 8.9 percent".
He also said that he was inspired to see his elder brother presiding as the Speaker. “You would recall our young days when our father – the late D. A. Rajapaksa, with other late leaders such as S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, Philip Gunawardena and S. A. Wickramasinghe were in the forefront to make a decisive change in society.
What they infused into our hearts as young children was a new vision, with aspirations for Sri Lankan values, traditions, equal opportunities for all, rural agriculture as well as an entrepreneurial economy. The vision of these leaders in fact became a formidable force that nurtured a people-centric approach as opposed to the urban elitist and feudalistic political and economic ideologies that prevailed.
Transformation
This transformation was subsequently taken forward by several progressive leaders such as late Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, late Dr. N. M. Perera and late Dr. Colvin R. De Silva.I recall watching with amusement as a young Member of Parliament at that time, how opposing forces got together to destruct this progressive path. I am sure that the Hon. Senior Members of this august Assembly would recall how this path was reversed in 1977.
This nation was placed on to a very destructive path from 1977. This path was overshadowed by neo liberal economic policies on the one hand and separatist terrorist activities, on the other. This caused tremendous hardships to the general public. The whole nation became a victim of terrorism. Democratic values eroded. A revengeful culture came into being. Many wrongful activities such as international money laundering, drug trafficking, smuggling and arms dealing were carried out under the pretext of terrorism.
Separatist terrorist activities aggregated to such a dangerous level, and plans were virtually drawn up to recognise a divided administration. Many internal issues were internationalised by terrorists, thereby threatening the sovereignty of the country. In short, all hopes of our people to live in a unitary state were virtually shattered.
We were also aware that we could not revert back to the policies of the 1960s and 70s. Further, we had also realised the need to rectify the detrimental policies of the '80s and '90s that had an adverse impact on the nation. Although our country remained to be poor, many countries that were poor had by then emerged to be strong economies. The world had witnessed a change.Through these experiences, there was a realisation that over reliance on market forces is as bad as excessive State intervention.It is in this backdrop that ‘Mahinda Chintana - Towards a New Sri Lanka’ - my first election manifesto, was presented in 2005. Our vision was to ensure a rural centric development strategy in which all citizens would get equal opportunities to be engaged in economic and social development. Broad responsibilities were shouldered by us to ensure that national aspirations are protected within a market economy and global trends.
Mahinda Chinthana
Thereafter in 2010, my second election manifesto Mahinda Chintana - Vision for the Future’ was presented to place the country on a path of rapid economic development.Within the last six years, we have been successful in changing the living conditions of our people in all spheres of life by freeing the nation from the grips of brutal terrorism, by correcting ill conceived economic policies of the past and by promoting a well committed infrastructure network required to create a modern economy.However, it is unlikely that through these measures alone, the effects of the destructive violent culture that prevailed over the last 30 years could be eliminated.
Many more changes need to be done in this regard.We also need to give some time for the world to realise that preconceived views that they have, consequent to the distorted facts spread by the global network of the LTTE, are wrong. However, I am extremely happy to note that countries that respect democracy are gradually accepting the position being explained
by us, having given due consideration to hard facts.The Opposition should also work with us to find solutions to the problems faced by our people and also to find such solutions while ensuring unity.We need to understand that forced solutions cannot be imposed to resolve internal issues by getting trapped to external forces. We need to realise all this if we are to sustain the hard won peace and to create national unity and economic development.Today our country enjoys a per capita income of US$ 2,800.
However, we should not forget that until recently it was below US$ 1,000 and that too was only confined to few urban areas.Another fact that we should also not forget is that several districts were lagging behind in development, until very recently. In fact, people did not have even access to some of the districts. Those people who were in the grips of terrorists for over 3 decades are now enjoying their new-found freedom.
The reconciliation efforts to bring about unity among all communities have made good progress. A dialogue has commenced to address political concerns of the minority. Representations by the minority community in the Provincial Councils and in Parliament have paved a solid platform to this dialogue. Such people now have access to electricity, roads, water, housing, schools and hospitals.Their farmlands have been rehabilitated to improve living standards.
the President concluded the Budget speech at around 5 o’clock.After Parliament was adjourned, President Mahinda Rajapaksa invited the government members and the Opposition members for the traditional Budget tea party.
Inspired by father
At the commemorative speech in memory of D.A. Rajapaksa, a former Deputy Speaker, a Parliamentarian, a founding member of the SLFP Prof. Ananda W. P. Guruge said sons of D. A. Rajapaksa drew inspiration from their father’s philosophy.Delivering the speech on the theme of ‘ Sri Lanka from the Euro-Asian Commercial Hub to Pan-World Sociopolitical Importance’, Prof. Guruge elaborated on the service rendered by late D. A. Rajapaksa’s children who have emulated the patriotic commitment.
“Children of D.A. Rajapaksa have drawn inspiration from their father’s philosophy in serving the country. In the struggle to free the nation from the clutches of terrorism, his children emulated their father’s exemplary career, he said.
Pro-LTTE covert operations bared
By Shanika SRIYANANDA
While studying the final report of the much-awaited the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) regarding the root causes of the three-decade long conflict and also to counter the alleged war crimes charges, President Mahinda Rajapaksa in his address at the Convocation of the General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University (KDU) alerted the nation on covert operation by pro-LTTEers to disrupt normality under the guise of human rights violations.
He said terrorists who attacked the government hiding within civil society, were now attempting to attack the government taking cover over human rights abuses today."Even though two years have passed since defeating terrorism, challenges faced by our motherland are not yet over. During the period of terror, the money earned by terrorists was spent on purchasing weapons, ships and aircraft.
Today that money is spent on various misinformation campaigns and political conspiracies aimed at destabilising the country.False allegations levelled against the Government are still being circulated in the country.
We need to understand that telecasting programs based on fraudulent information about the conflict, forming international human rights commissions against Sri Lanka, and claims about war crimes are all inter-connected", he said.“If this was a personal attack, it would have been easy for me to tolerate. But this is not so. These attacks are against the motherland. You need to understand that it is a threats against national security. It is the duty of all of us to work towards taking the country to a top position in the world. After the liberation of the country we did not forget our war heroes. We love them, respect them and trust them and will do that forever”, the President said.
Bachelor and Masters Degrees in Management, Engineering Technology, Commerce, Technical Sciences and Arts were awarded do the graduates and trophies presented for 2011 by President Rajapaksa.
He said some accuse the government for allocating a higher percentage from the Budget for defence, but they know very little about how it is being spent. It is mainly to upgrade the standard of the forces and also the lives of those who sacrificed their lives to defeat terrorism to usher peace.
"We have allocated Rs. 229 billion for the Defence Ministry and out of that Rs. 197 allocated to pay salaries, maintenance and welfare of the Security Forces. The government intends to allocate Rs. 1175 million for the education of the security Forces as we want to have professional Lankan Forces", he said.
Seventh Budget
Presenting the seventh Budget under his leadership, President Rajapaksa said he was proud over several aspects and would like to provide them backdrop to the Budget Speech. "We were able to create a mine-free North, within a short time span of about two years, having put an end to LTTE terrorism in May 2009. We have demined 1,412 square kilometres out of the 2,046 square kilometres that were laid with landmines. We have resettled around 295,000 persons who were displaced.
The greatest achievement is being able to rehabilitate around 15,000 persons who were part of the LTTE cadres at that time and being able to hand them over to their families. People have no fear any more, that their children will be grabbed by the LTTE.Despite global uncertainties, our country has been able to sustain an eight percent growth momentum gathered in 2010, and in 2011 as well. Inflation has been moderated at five percent underscoring the success of rural centric development initiatives such as Divi Neguma, while resolving long-standing food security challenges faced by our country. Our vision Nilla Pathiruna Ratak - Atu Kotu Pirunu Hetak has become a reality by reaching self-sufficiency in rice.
Above all, I am encouraged to note that income avenues of the low income segment have improved with unemployment being reduced from eight percent to five percent and poverty, from 15.6 percent to 8.9 percent".
He also said that he was inspired to see his elder brother presiding as the Speaker. “You would recall our young days when our father – the late D. A. Rajapaksa, with other late leaders such as S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, Philip Gunawardena and S. A. Wickramasinghe were in the forefront to make a decisive change in society.
What they infused into our hearts as young children was a new vision, with aspirations for Sri Lankan values, traditions, equal opportunities for all, rural agriculture as well as an entrepreneurial economy. The vision of these leaders in fact became a formidable force that nurtured a people-centric approach as opposed to the urban elitist and feudalistic political and economic ideologies that prevailed.
Transformation
This transformation was subsequently taken forward by several progressive leaders such as late Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, late Dr. N. M. Perera and late Dr. Colvin R. De Silva.I recall watching with amusement as a young Member of Parliament at that time, how opposing forces got together to destruct this progressive path. I am sure that the Hon. Senior Members of this august Assembly would recall how this path was reversed in 1977.
This nation was placed on to a very destructive path from 1977. This path was overshadowed by neo liberal economic policies on the one hand and separatist terrorist activities, on the other. This caused tremendous hardships to the general public. The whole nation became a victim of terrorism. Democratic values eroded. A revengeful culture came into being. Many wrongful activities such as international money laundering, drug trafficking, smuggling and arms dealing were carried out under the pretext of terrorism.
Separatist terrorist activities aggregated to such a dangerous level, and plans were virtually drawn up to recognise a divided administration. Many internal issues were internationalised by terrorists, thereby threatening the sovereignty of the country. In short, all hopes of our people to live in a unitary state were virtually shattered.
We were also aware that we could not revert back to the policies of the 1960s and 70s. Further, we had also realised the need to rectify the detrimental policies of the '80s and '90s that had an adverse impact on the nation. Although our country remained to be poor, many countries that were poor had by then emerged to be strong economies. The world had witnessed a change.Through these experiences, there was a realisation that over reliance on market forces is as bad as excessive State intervention.It is in this backdrop that ‘Mahinda Chintana - Towards a New Sri Lanka’ - my first election manifesto, was presented in 2005. Our vision was to ensure a rural centric development strategy in which all citizens would get equal opportunities to be engaged in economic and social development. Broad responsibilities were shouldered by us to ensure that national aspirations are protected within a market economy and global trends.
Mahinda Chinthana
Thereafter in 2010, my second election manifesto Mahinda Chintana - Vision for the Future’ was presented to place the country on a path of rapid economic development.Within the last six years, we have been successful in changing the living conditions of our people in all spheres of life by freeing the nation from the grips of brutal terrorism, by correcting ill conceived economic policies of the past and by promoting a well committed infrastructure network required to create a modern economy.However, it is unlikely that through these measures alone, the effects of the destructive violent culture that prevailed over the last 30 years could be eliminated.
Many more changes need to be done in this regard.We also need to give some time for the world to realise that preconceived views that they have, consequent to the distorted facts spread by the global network of the LTTE, are wrong. However, I am extremely happy to note that countries that respect democracy are gradually accepting the position being explained
by us, having given due consideration to hard facts.The Opposition should also work with us to find solutions to the problems faced by our people and also to find such solutions while ensuring unity.We need to understand that forced solutions cannot be imposed to resolve internal issues by getting trapped to external forces. We need to realise all this if we are to sustain the hard won peace and to create national unity and economic development.Today our country enjoys a per capita income of US$ 2,800.
However, we should not forget that until recently it was below US$ 1,000 and that too was only confined to few urban areas.Another fact that we should also not forget is that several districts were lagging behind in development, until very recently. In fact, people did not have even access to some of the districts. Those people who were in the grips of terrorists for over 3 decades are now enjoying their new-found freedom.
The reconciliation efforts to bring about unity among all communities have made good progress. A dialogue has commenced to address political concerns of the minority. Representations by the minority community in the Provincial Councils and in Parliament have paved a solid platform to this dialogue. Such people now have access to electricity, roads, water, housing, schools and hospitals.Their farmlands have been rehabilitated to improve living standards.
the President concluded the Budget speech at around 5 o’clock.After Parliament was adjourned, President Mahinda Rajapaksa invited the government members and the Opposition members for the traditional Budget tea party.
Inspired by father
At the commemorative speech in memory of D.A. Rajapaksa, a former Deputy Speaker, a Parliamentarian, a founding member of the SLFP Prof. Ananda W. P. Guruge said sons of D. A. Rajapaksa drew inspiration from their father’s philosophy.Delivering the speech on the theme of ‘ Sri Lanka from the Euro-Asian Commercial Hub to Pan-World Sociopolitical Importance’, Prof. Guruge elaborated on the service rendered by late D. A. Rajapaksa’s children who have emulated the patriotic commitment.
“Children of D.A. Rajapaksa have drawn inspiration from their father’s philosophy in serving the country. In the struggle to free the nation from the clutches of terrorism, his children emulated their father’s exemplary career, he said.
http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2011/11/27/new22.asp
SPUR stresses need to counter rump LTTE's manoeuvres
by Manjula Fernando
In the aftermath of a series of attempts by the LTTE to discredit Sri Lanka in international fora including at the prestigious Commonwealth Heads of State conference (CHOGM) recently, a Sri Lankan activist in Australia fighting LTTE propaganda said it is time the Government addressed the core of this issue.
"Rather than investigating isolated incidents, it will be better if an analysis is done to see why the West is willing to listen to the rump LTTE, knowing very well that they are nothing but terrorists," said Jeanne Jayasinghe of Society for Peace, Unity and Human Rights for Sri Lanka (SPUR), a voluntary organisation based in Australia.
She said the Australian litigation against President Mahinda Rajapaksa was an attempt to embarrass the Sri Lankan Government at the CHOGM.
"The rump LTTE is trying hard to build a case so that their 'transnational government' will be able to get the UN to divide Sri Lanka and create their 'dream Eelam' for them, just like Kosovo and East Timor."
She said Prabhakaran never agreed to peace talks and kept shifting the goalpost because he was aware of the dangers posed by the so-called international leaders of the LTTE.
"They may not have held guns or been in the field, but they were worse. They raised the funds and directed the operations on the field."
"He (Prabhakaran) knew that the moment he signed a peace agreement, he would be finished.
The kingpins living in the West who directed operations would take over the reins of power and kick him out. He would have ended up a designated war criminal."
Citing Canada's call to discuss allegations against Sri Lanka at CHOGM, Jayasinghe said these LTTE leaders through their elected agents in Parliaments were pushing governments to take action against Sri Lanka and this was a serious threat that needs to be nipped in the bud.
SPUR stresses need to counter rump LTTE's manoeuvres
by Manjula Fernando
In the aftermath of a series of attempts by the LTTE to discredit Sri Lanka in international fora including at the prestigious Commonwealth Heads of State conference (CHOGM) recently, a Sri Lankan activist in Australia fighting LTTE propaganda said it is time the Government addressed the core of this issue.
"Rather than investigating isolated incidents, it will be better if an analysis is done to see why the West is willing to listen to the rump LTTE, knowing very well that they are nothing but terrorists," said Jeanne Jayasinghe of Society for Peace, Unity and Human Rights for Sri Lanka (SPUR), a voluntary organisation based in Australia.
She said the Australian litigation against President Mahinda Rajapaksa was an attempt to embarrass the Sri Lankan Government at the CHOGM.
"The rump LTTE is trying hard to build a case so that their 'transnational government' will be able to get the UN to divide Sri Lanka and create their 'dream Eelam' for them, just like Kosovo and East Timor."
She said Prabhakaran never agreed to peace talks and kept shifting the goalpost because he was aware of the dangers posed by the so-called international leaders of the LTTE.
"They may not have held guns or been in the field, but they were worse. They raised the funds and directed the operations on the field."
"He (Prabhakaran) knew that the moment he signed a peace agreement, he would be finished.
The kingpins living in the West who directed operations would take over the reins of power and kick him out. He would have ended up a designated war criminal."
Citing Canada's call to discuss allegations against Sri Lanka at CHOGM, Jayasinghe said these LTTE leaders through their elected agents in Parliaments were pushing governments to take action against Sri Lanka and this was a serious threat that needs to be nipped in the bud.
http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2011/11/27/new17.asp
Tourism sector aims at ‘golden double’
Sri Lanka’s tourism sector is heading towards achieving a golden double by recording one million tourist arrivals and one billion US dollars in revenue soon.
The 750,000th tourist being welcomed at the Colombo Airport by Sri Lanka Tourism officials
Permanent peace was the key towards achieving this target as the terrorist problem that prevailed for 30 years saw several adverse travel advisories issued against Sri Lanka, which discouraged foreign tourists from visiting this country. Today, Sri Lankan tourism industry stakeholders say that Sri Lanka is among the safest countries in the universe, an accolade which even some developed countries are jealous of.
Last Thursday saw history of the tourism industry in the island being re-written, when the country welcomed the arrival of the 750,000th tourist in 2011 at the Bandaranaike International Airport.
This is the first time that the island’s tourism industry witnessed arrivals exceeding 700,000 in any given year, making it a ground-breaking figure in tourism records.
A team of officials from the Sri Lanka Tourism Promotions Bureau and representatives from the Ministry of Economic Development welcomed the guest, Mohomad Albordiny and wife(Palestinian) who arrived in Sri Lanka via QR 302 flight from Doha at 4:15 p.m.
During 2010, the number of tourist arrivals recorded was 654,476 as opposed to 750,000 so far this year, which is a 34.2 percent annual growth. This year has seen a huge contribution from Latin American, Caribbean and western European countries including Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, UK and Germany. These regions have accounted for 250,847 tourists, sharing a major portion of the 750,000 arrivals.
Sri Lanka Tourism offered a special gift and a complimentary package to this tourist, keeping its promise of rewarding the 750,000th tourist.
Similar rewards were available for the 250,000th, 500,000th and 600,000th tourist who visited Sri Lanka this year.
At the beginning of 2011, Sri Lanka Tourism launched its marketing campaign named “Refreshingly Sri Lanka – Visit 2011”, with the aim of showcasing Sri Lanka as an island with new-found freedom; a place where the visitor can experience everything that is refreshing under the sun.
With this new branding, Sri Lanka Tourism promoted eight segments encapsulating eight wonderful experiences which a tourist can enjoy within eight days. Though Chairman Sri Lanka Tourism, Dr. Nalaka Godahewa is still not confident, the private sector feels that Sri Lanka can achieve the one billion US dollar mark by the end of this year.
All promotional activities and events in the next couple of years will be aimed at achieving the target number of 2.6 million tourists by 2016.
- SS
Tourism sector aims at ‘golden double’
Sri Lanka’s tourism sector is heading towards achieving a golden double by recording one million tourist arrivals and one billion US dollars in revenue soon.
The 750,000th tourist being welcomed at the Colombo Airport by Sri Lanka Tourism officials
Permanent peace was the key towards achieving this target as the terrorist problem that prevailed for 30 years saw several adverse travel advisories issued against Sri Lanka, which discouraged foreign tourists from visiting this country. Today, Sri Lankan tourism industry stakeholders say that Sri Lanka is among the safest countries in the universe, an accolade which even some developed countries are jealous of.
Last Thursday saw history of the tourism industry in the island being re-written, when the country welcomed the arrival of the 750,000th tourist in 2011 at the Bandaranaike International Airport.
This is the first time that the island’s tourism industry witnessed arrivals exceeding 700,000 in any given year, making it a ground-breaking figure in tourism records.
A team of officials from the Sri Lanka Tourism Promotions Bureau and representatives from the Ministry of Economic Development welcomed the guest, Mohomad Albordiny and wife(Palestinian) who arrived in Sri Lanka via QR 302 flight from Doha at 4:15 p.m.
During 2010, the number of tourist arrivals recorded was 654,476 as opposed to 750,000 so far this year, which is a 34.2 percent annual growth. This year has seen a huge contribution from Latin American, Caribbean and western European countries including Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, UK and Germany. These regions have accounted for 250,847 tourists, sharing a major portion of the 750,000 arrivals.
Sri Lanka Tourism offered a special gift and a complimentary package to this tourist, keeping its promise of rewarding the 750,000th tourist.
Similar rewards were available for the 250,000th, 500,000th and 600,000th tourist who visited Sri Lanka this year.
At the beginning of 2011, Sri Lanka Tourism launched its marketing campaign named “Refreshingly Sri Lanka – Visit 2011”, with the aim of showcasing Sri Lanka as an island with new-found freedom; a place where the visitor can experience everything that is refreshing under the sun.
With this new branding, Sri Lanka Tourism promoted eight segments encapsulating eight wonderful experiences which a tourist can enjoy within eight days. Though Chairman Sri Lanka Tourism, Dr. Nalaka Godahewa is still not confident, the private sector feels that Sri Lanka can achieve the one billion US dollar mark by the end of this year.
All promotional activities and events in the next couple of years will be aimed at achieving the target number of 2.6 million tourists by 2016.
- SS
http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2011/11/27/fea03.asp
LLRC report should be given a fair hearing
By Manjula FERNANDO
Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe
Rohitha Bogollagama
TNA MP Sumanthiran
Prof. Rohan Gunaratna
Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
The Sunday Observer spoke to several personalities on the handing over of the much anticipated Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission report to President Mahinda Rajapaksa last week. The report which received a great deal of publicity in the international arena, drew equal criticism before it even wrapped up its work.
Those among the most vociferous critics were the pro-LTTE groups and their sympathisers giving the impression that they feared the result would cripple their anti-Lanka campaign.
The Government was firm in its stand and maintained that critics should reserve their comments, until the findings and recommendations were officially put out. The commission released a set of interim recommendations which are now being implemented with the blessings of the well-wishers of the nation.
The Sunday Observer asked these individuals how the reactions and opinions expressed on the LLRC report will affect the ongoing reconciliation process that has been initiated by the Government as a means of healing past wounds and bringing communities together in the post-war phase.
The excerpts of the comments,
Human Rights Special Envoy and Plantation Industries Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe;
“There is widespread interest in the outcome of the work of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) within and outside Sri Lanka. We have pinned a great deal of hope on the work of the Commissioners who are a cross section of the most capable professionals in the country.
The manner in which they carried out their mandate, the exhaustive consultation processes they put in place, the foresight shown and the practicality of their interim recommendations, all give us ample reason to be optimistic.
We have consistently asked those commenting on the conclusions, recommendations and proposals of the LLRC to first study them in their entirety prior to concluding their aptness, usefulness and implementability.
Those who sought to prejudge the process, to cast aspersions on the bona fides of the Commissioners and to downplay the significance of this initiative of President Rajapaksa – even before the final outcome was available - would do well to study the proposals with a fair and balanced outlook before commenting further.
Premature misjudgment of the LLRC’s outcome can only hinder successful post-conflict reconciliation which is the final facet of our Government’s four pronged approach post-May 2009, based on reconstruction, resettlement, rehabilitation and reconciliation, backed by speedy economic development. Objective analysis and constructive criticism, on the other hand, will greatly assist us in successfully overcoming this final challenge to a lasting peace and a more secure and prosperous future for all.”
TNA MP Sumanthiran
It is very difficult to surmise on the reaction and outcome of the LLRC report until we actually see it. And if it is going to be made public soon, then I don’t see why I should make any hasty comments prior to reading it.
Also, your question makes two assumptions on which I may not agree: firstly it says that the LLRC is composed of ‘experts of international repute’. Secondly, you refer to an ‘ongoing reconciliation process in the country’.
Our position is that what is ‘ongoing’ now is the exact opposite of a reconciliation process. I tabled a report in Parliament on October 21 which details many of these efforts.
We would reserve our comments until after the LLRC report is made public
Prof. Rohan Gunaratna:
The LLRC report will receive both praise and criticism. An exhaustive study by Sri Lankans on their painful and tragic conflict, the report provides essential strategies on how to prevent a return to conflict. The commissioners and those who testified are Sri Lankans who understand their country best. Like we developed a homegrown solution to end a vicious insurgent and terrorist campaign, we have now launched a national reconciliation strategy to create a harmonious living.
Both the Sri Lankan government and their partners must listen carefully to the diverse views expressed on the LLRC by the international community. Sri Lanka should also engage those governments, International Organisations, Civil Society Organisations and individuals that are critical of the LLRC report. Future Sri Lanka needs the support of everyone to build a vibrant, resilient and a peaceful nation.
Former Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama:
Every country must have its own agenda to pursue. Now that the LLRC report is out, the international community will obviously seek answers regarding the findings. In this context Sri Lanka is well positioned to respond in relation to the process arising from the report findings.
This report has been compiled by a group of eminent independent persons. There is no room for certain quarters of the international community to allege any deficiencies in the composition of the panel or their integrity.
Hence similarly no- where in the world are countries compelled to bring in foreign panelist unless the country is unable to bring forth competent individual to comprise such a panel or the issues dealt with have arises between countries.
The affects of president Rajapaksa in bringing about reconciliation amongst all communities in Sri Lanka and the meaningful political and economic development agenda that he has unleashed should be continued without any distraction merely because some quarters in the international community may continue to complain in frivolous issues with a view to satisfy the LTTE propagantanist and operatives overseas.
The creation of the parliamentary select committee on the national issue and budget proposals addressing the regional development are the highlights we could convey to the world.
Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
You are right to focus on the impact of reactions, because many of those who look at Sri Lanka in terms of their own agendas are more concerned with reactions rather than the report itself.
Thus while we have had many criticisms of the LLRC from interested parties, there was little attention on the very sensible interim report they gave some time back - though perhaps government was also at fault in not making that report public along with the actions that were being taken with regard to the issues raised.
Entertainingly we have recently had two conflicting attacks on the LLRC, one that that Commissioners were not independent and would produce a document that would not satisfy our critics, second that we would suppress the Report (ie it would be a report that our critics would like and therefore we would hide it).
I believe from what purport to be leaks of the Report that it moves on from its excellent interim recommendations to suggest areas in which we should be doing more to ensure reconciliation.
In this regard dwelling on the past will not be productive except insofar as it affects current attitudes, and in that regard the focus on bringing closure to those who are uncertain about their loved ones is vital. But we also need to move forward with regard to language and educational policy, as has indeed been foreshadowed in the President’s budget speech, and also in ensuring employment opportunities with no space left for there to be allegations about discrimination.
I believe the LLRC has looked at these areas and I hope their recommendations will be implemented swiftly with regular monitoring and reports on progress, which is what we should have done with regard to the interim recommendations.
Those who have been clamouring for charges of War Crimes, on the basis of manipulated evidence and vague generalisations, may be upset but they are not important as compared with our citizens on the ground who suffered.
I believe it is a positive factor that we have not engaged in witch hunts about those former cadres who were forced to fire on their own people when they tried to flee LTTE captivity, and I hope the LLRC will agree that the positive steps we have taken towards rehabilitation are more important than holding those poor victims accountable for what they were forced to do to other victims.
The more vindictive members of the international community may not accept such a position, but they do not understand reconciliation.
As I have been saying for a long time, we have a good record, both in dealing with terrorism and in our endeavors to heal wounds. But we have not been effective in telling our story and in communicating both what was done and how we plan to do better in the future.
The budget speech also referred to the need to improve our communications strategies, and we should also do more to train communicators, who will also understand the need for reconciliation and the sensitivities of those who have suffered but wish now to move on to a brighter future.
LLRC report should be given a fair hearing
By Manjula FERNANDO
Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe
Rohitha Bogollagama
TNA MP Sumanthiran
Prof. Rohan Gunaratna
Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
The Sunday Observer spoke to several personalities on the handing over of the much anticipated Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission report to President Mahinda Rajapaksa last week. The report which received a great deal of publicity in the international arena, drew equal criticism before it even wrapped up its work.
Those among the most vociferous critics were the pro-LTTE groups and their sympathisers giving the impression that they feared the result would cripple their anti-Lanka campaign.
The Government was firm in its stand and maintained that critics should reserve their comments, until the findings and recommendations were officially put out. The commission released a set of interim recommendations which are now being implemented with the blessings of the well-wishers of the nation.
The Sunday Observer asked these individuals how the reactions and opinions expressed on the LLRC report will affect the ongoing reconciliation process that has been initiated by the Government as a means of healing past wounds and bringing communities together in the post-war phase.
The excerpts of the comments,
Human Rights Special Envoy and Plantation Industries Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe;
“There is widespread interest in the outcome of the work of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) within and outside Sri Lanka. We have pinned a great deal of hope on the work of the Commissioners who are a cross section of the most capable professionals in the country.
The manner in which they carried out their mandate, the exhaustive consultation processes they put in place, the foresight shown and the practicality of their interim recommendations, all give us ample reason to be optimistic.
We have consistently asked those commenting on the conclusions, recommendations and proposals of the LLRC to first study them in their entirety prior to concluding their aptness, usefulness and implementability.
Those who sought to prejudge the process, to cast aspersions on the bona fides of the Commissioners and to downplay the significance of this initiative of President Rajapaksa – even before the final outcome was available - would do well to study the proposals with a fair and balanced outlook before commenting further.
Premature misjudgment of the LLRC’s outcome can only hinder successful post-conflict reconciliation which is the final facet of our Government’s four pronged approach post-May 2009, based on reconstruction, resettlement, rehabilitation and reconciliation, backed by speedy economic development. Objective analysis and constructive criticism, on the other hand, will greatly assist us in successfully overcoming this final challenge to a lasting peace and a more secure and prosperous future for all.”
TNA MP Sumanthiran
It is very difficult to surmise on the reaction and outcome of the LLRC report until we actually see it. And if it is going to be made public soon, then I don’t see why I should make any hasty comments prior to reading it.
Also, your question makes two assumptions on which I may not agree: firstly it says that the LLRC is composed of ‘experts of international repute’. Secondly, you refer to an ‘ongoing reconciliation process in the country’.
Our position is that what is ‘ongoing’ now is the exact opposite of a reconciliation process. I tabled a report in Parliament on October 21 which details many of these efforts.
We would reserve our comments until after the LLRC report is made public
Prof. Rohan Gunaratna:
The LLRC report will receive both praise and criticism. An exhaustive study by Sri Lankans on their painful and tragic conflict, the report provides essential strategies on how to prevent a return to conflict. The commissioners and those who testified are Sri Lankans who understand their country best. Like we developed a homegrown solution to end a vicious insurgent and terrorist campaign, we have now launched a national reconciliation strategy to create a harmonious living.
Both the Sri Lankan government and their partners must listen carefully to the diverse views expressed on the LLRC by the international community. Sri Lanka should also engage those governments, International Organisations, Civil Society Organisations and individuals that are critical of the LLRC report. Future Sri Lanka needs the support of everyone to build a vibrant, resilient and a peaceful nation.
Former Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama:
Every country must have its own agenda to pursue. Now that the LLRC report is out, the international community will obviously seek answers regarding the findings. In this context Sri Lanka is well positioned to respond in relation to the process arising from the report findings.
This report has been compiled by a group of eminent independent persons. There is no room for certain quarters of the international community to allege any deficiencies in the composition of the panel or their integrity.
Hence similarly no- where in the world are countries compelled to bring in foreign panelist unless the country is unable to bring forth competent individual to comprise such a panel or the issues dealt with have arises between countries.
The affects of president Rajapaksa in bringing about reconciliation amongst all communities in Sri Lanka and the meaningful political and economic development agenda that he has unleashed should be continued without any distraction merely because some quarters in the international community may continue to complain in frivolous issues with a view to satisfy the LTTE propagantanist and operatives overseas.
The creation of the parliamentary select committee on the national issue and budget proposals addressing the regional development are the highlights we could convey to the world.
Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
You are right to focus on the impact of reactions, because many of those who look at Sri Lanka in terms of their own agendas are more concerned with reactions rather than the report itself.
Thus while we have had many criticisms of the LLRC from interested parties, there was little attention on the very sensible interim report they gave some time back - though perhaps government was also at fault in not making that report public along with the actions that were being taken with regard to the issues raised.
Entertainingly we have recently had two conflicting attacks on the LLRC, one that that Commissioners were not independent and would produce a document that would not satisfy our critics, second that we would suppress the Report (ie it would be a report that our critics would like and therefore we would hide it).
I believe from what purport to be leaks of the Report that it moves on from its excellent interim recommendations to suggest areas in which we should be doing more to ensure reconciliation.
In this regard dwelling on the past will not be productive except insofar as it affects current attitudes, and in that regard the focus on bringing closure to those who are uncertain about their loved ones is vital. But we also need to move forward with regard to language and educational policy, as has indeed been foreshadowed in the President’s budget speech, and also in ensuring employment opportunities with no space left for there to be allegations about discrimination.
I believe the LLRC has looked at these areas and I hope their recommendations will be implemented swiftly with regular monitoring and reports on progress, which is what we should have done with regard to the interim recommendations.
Those who have been clamouring for charges of War Crimes, on the basis of manipulated evidence and vague generalisations, may be upset but they are not important as compared with our citizens on the ground who suffered.
I believe it is a positive factor that we have not engaged in witch hunts about those former cadres who were forced to fire on their own people when they tried to flee LTTE captivity, and I hope the LLRC will agree that the positive steps we have taken towards rehabilitation are more important than holding those poor victims accountable for what they were forced to do to other victims.
The more vindictive members of the international community may not accept such a position, but they do not understand reconciliation.
As I have been saying for a long time, we have a good record, both in dealing with terrorism and in our endeavors to heal wounds. But we have not been effective in telling our story and in communicating both what was done and how we plan to do better in the future.
The budget speech also referred to the need to improve our communications strategies, and we should also do more to train communicators, who will also understand the need for reconciliation and the sensitivities of those who have suffered but wish now to move on to a brighter future.
http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2011/11/27/fea01.asp
‘Reconciliation will be achieved through local efforts’
*No external guidance necessary
*Based on Lanka’s culture and values
Excerpts from the keynote address delivered by Secretary of Defence Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the inaugural National Conference on Reconciliation, hosted by the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies last week.
The late Lakshman Kadirgamar was a great servant of this nation, whose determined and selfless contributions to Sri Lanka were tragically cut short by an LTTE sniper in August 2005.
During his life, Mr. Kadirgamar strongly believed that “People who live in Sri Lanka are first and foremost Sri Lankans”. As this country builds its future on the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism, these are words for us all to remember.
Sri Lanka’s experience with terrorism began in the 1970s. By the time President Mahinda Rajapaksa assumed office in December 2005, terrorist activities in this country had continued for nearly 30 years. During these three decades, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam unleashed waves of terror that caused untold suffering for all Sri Lankans. The list of its atrocities is long.
The LTTE was relentless in its use of suicide cadre, car bombs, truck bombs, and even light aircraft in carrying out these attacks to destabilise Sri Lankan society, and it showed sophistication and ruthlessness beyond any other terrorist group in the world in pursuing its objectives.
The LTTE’s skill at political assassinations was another defining feature of its campaign of terror. The most notable assassinations carried out by the LTTE were the killing of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the killing of then Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1993. The LTTE killed seven Cabinet Ministers, 37 Parliamentarians and more than 50 office bearing political figures during its terror campaign. Its intention was to undermine Sri Lanka’s democracy.
The overall impact of the LTTE’s terrorism was devastating. In addition to the thousands of casualties it caused, the aura of fear and uncertainty it created had a severe impact on all Sri Lankans. In areas outside the LTTE’s control, ordinary peoples’ day-to-day lives were transformed.
Parents did not travel together in the same vehicle for fear of orphaning their children by getting caught in a bomb blast. Students’ school attendance dropped every time rumours spread about impending terrorist attacks. Law and order deteriorated as terrorism fostered crime and corruption. The underworld became more powerful and its members gained access to arms and ammunition from various armed groups operating in the country at large. An entire generation grew up under a veil of fear.
In areas under LTTE dominance, matters were even worse. The LTTE did not tolerate any opposition. It assassinated democratic leaders and intellectuals in the Tamil community to style itself the sole representative of the Tamil people.
In this effort, it killed such democratic politicians as former Opposition Leader A. Amirthalingam, Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front, Y. Yogeshwaran and Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam of the same party, Sam Thambimuttu and K. Pathmanaba of the EPRLF.
In addition to moderate politicians, the LTTE also assassinated the leaders of other armed groups in these areas. One occasion, the LTTE even wiped out the entire command structure of groups it saw as opponents. By eliminating all rivals, the LTTE was able to keep the people in the areas it dominated under a virtual dictatorship. Though it pretended, at its height, to have a judicial system and a police force, these were shams constructed to disguise a territory ruled at gunpoint. No one in those areas was truly safe; no one was truly free.
Apart from all this, the simple fact that a ruthless terrorist group was operational in the country and dominated parts of its territory had a devastating impact on Sri Lanka’s prospects. The economy stagnated. Infrastructure development could not be given due priority. Large areas of fertile land were inaccessible for agriculture. Restrictions on sea movements affected the fishing industry. Bad publicity and adverse travel advisories kept tourists away. Industrialisation was virtually halted as both local and foreign investment slowed to a trickle. Many of our best and brightest sought to build safer lives for themselves away from Sri Lanka, resulting in brain drain. Most of the economic growth that took place was localised in the Western Province and the largest cities in the other provinces. The North and the East were virtually isolated. The political, social and economic costs of terrorism set back Sri Lanka’s national progress by many years.
People’s mandate
When Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected to the Presidency in 2005, he had a mandate from the people to end terrorism once and for all. This was a daunting task. Four previous presidents as well as several successive governments comprising various political parties had grappled with the issue of LTTE terrorism without success. Over the years, a range of different approaches including military campaigns, peace talks, and even international mediation had been tried. None had succeeded.
The first peace talks took place in 1985 in Thimpu, Bhutan. The LTTE was one of several Tamil groups participating in these talks. During the ceasefire granted by the Government to facilitate the talks, it strengthened itself militarily. After the talks failed, the LTTE used the military advantage it had gained to systematically attack and decimate the other Tamil groups. By 1987, when the Indian intervention occurred at a time the Sri Lankan Government was in a position to end the conflict militarily, the LTTE was the dominant militant group. Its refusal to surrender arms and its many provocations during that period led to the Indian Peace Keeping Force becoming combatants in the conflict. Eventually, more than 1,100 soldiers of the IPKF were killed and over 2,700 wounded in combat with the LTTE.
By 1989, the LTTE was weakened and once again sought the respite of a ceasefire. As a gesture of goodwill, the Government requested the IPKF to leave Sri Lanka. In June 1990, in the middle of peace talks with the Government, the LTTE unilaterally broke the ceasefire and returned to violence. It launched severe attacks against Muslim civilians, killing nearly 150 during prayers at Kathankudy and more than 170 in Eravur, Batticaloa. It then expelled the 75,000 Muslim residents of Jaffna.
LTTE violence continued until October 1994, when the Government once again offered to negotiate in the hope of a peaceful settlement. The ceasefire entered into was once again unilaterally broken by the LTTE in 1995 when they destroyed naval gunboats at Trincomalee harbour. Not long after, the LTTE used Surface to Air missiles obtained during the preceding ceasefire to shoot down aircraft of the Sri Lanka Air Force.
Despite the long history of LTTE treachery during peace talks, the Government continued trying to end the conflict through peaceful means. In 2001, the Norwegian-facilitated peace process commenced. The LTTE never took action to address any substantive issues during this period. Instead, it exploited all the concessions granted under the ceasefire to strengthen itself militarily. The LTTE acquired new arms, ammunition and equipment, including light aircraft. The LTTE recruited more cadre, including child soldiers, and its strength grew to 25,000. Although the peace process was stalled and the ceasefire was nominally in place, it was clear that the LTTE was gearing for war just as it had done during each previous peace process.
Insincerity, opportunism
Despite the LTTE’s history of insincerity and its opportunism during the ceasefire period, President Rajapaksa was keen to restart the stalled peace process as soon as he was elected into office. His intention was to resolve the conflict peacefully.
Towards this end, he repeatedly requested the LTTE to come for direct talks with the Government. Instead of responding genuinely, the LTTE misused the attempted peace talks in 2006 and intensified its provocative behaviour. It relentlessly attacked key military targets, including our highest-ranking officers, and continued to carry out acts of mindless violence against innocent civilians.
The Government bore these provocations with patience for many months, until the LTTE threatened a major humanitarian disaster by shutting down the sluice gates at Maavilaru in July 2006.
Over 9,500 Muslims, 8,000 Sinhalese and 4,400 Tamils were left without access to water by this inhuman act, and immediate action was needed to prevent a major catastrophe. When all peaceful efforts to resolve the problem failed, the Government had no option but to launch a limited military operation to reopen the sluice gates.
During the initial stages of that operation, the LTTE attacked military positions around the Trincomalee harbour and launched attacks in the North shortly afterwards. It was clear that the closure of the Maavilaru sluice gate had only been the LTTE’s first move in a well-planned offensive. Because of the immediate threat to strategic military positions, the Government expanded the limited operation that had been launched to liberate Maavilaru.
Considering the long history of the LTTE’s atrocities against the people of Sri Lanka and its repeated rejections of all efforts for a peaceful settlement, including those efforts with international mediation, the Government decided to rid the country of the LTTE menace once and for all. In three and a half years, that objective was achieved.
Today, Sri Lanka is a nation at peace. As a result of the Humanitarian Operation to defeat terrorism, the primary obstacle to Sri Lanka’s prospects - the LTTE - has been removed.
In looking back at what has happened over the last two years, the benefits this country has gained through dismantling the LTTE are very clear. The senseless killing has stopped. Irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political affiliation, all Sri Lankans are reaping the rewards of peace. The quality of life has improved tremendously. With the constant threat of terrorism removed, people can live their lives in full and without fear. Sri Lanka today is not only one of the most secure and stable countries in Asia, but in the entire world.
Perhaps the most heartening outcome of the dawn of peace has been the freedom of movement that all Sri Lankans finally enjoy. People are able to travel throughout the entire country without being impeded; the numbers travelling from North to South, and vice versa, are truly remarkable. The number of expatriates travelling to the North is also extremely noteworthy. This is a very encouraging sign, and one of the great benefits of the restoration of peace.
Another critical gain from peace is the holding of free and fair elections in every part of Sri Lanka. Local authority elections, provincial council elections, a Presidential election and a General election have all been held over the past two years. In the areas formerly dominated by the LTTE, people exercised their franchise without fear for the first time in three decades. The fact that political plurality has returned to these areas is clear from the results of these elections. The swift restoration of democracy to those parts of Sri Lanka previously under LTTE dominance is something to be proud of.
Further, it needs to be noted that many former militants are now playing an active role in politics. Their participation in the political process demonstrates the robustness of Sri Lanka’s democracy, and highlights the focus on reconciliation.
The economy is also showing marked signs of improvement. With thousands of acres of arable land once again accessible, and key irrigation infrastructure being restored, agriculture is poised to expand significantly in the coming years. With the removal of the restrictions that had to be enforced due to terrorism, the fishing industry has already rebounded and registered tremendous growth.
With the withdrawing of adverse travel advisories and the knowledge that the country is finally at peace, tourist arrivals have increased significantly. Local and foreign investment is on the rise, and new commercial activity is starting to take place in previously ignored areas. Sri Lanka is finally in a position to realise the economic potential that has been pent up for so many years.
The return of peace, the restoration of freedom and democracy, and the prospect of a resurgent economy have all been made possible by the success of the Humanitarian Operation. However, it should be noted that the rump of the LTTE is still active outside Sri Lanka, and is still attempting to tarnish the image of this nation and set back the peace that was achieved two years ago.
We must remain vigilant, and not allow ourselves to be divided or distracted by their destructive agenda. Having been so closely linked with the terrorist cause, they seem unable to let go of their outmoded ideas and face the reality of a united and peaceful Sri Lanka. Instead of providing any support for the on-going reconstruction and reconciliation efforts, the sole interest of these parties is in casting aspersions against the Government.
The true commitment of the Government to all its citizens can be gauged by the actions it took in the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation in 2009. It is important to understand that the Government faced several immense challenges at that time, and it should be appreciated that these challenges were met with great professionalism.
Without doubt, the most pressing issue of concern in the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation was housing the 294,000 Displaced People who had served as the LTTE’s human shield. The villages and towns they had been displaced from had been mined heavily by the LTTE during the last stages of the Humanitarian Operation, and it was impossible for them to safely return to their homes until those areas had been completely demined and made safe for habitation. Taking care of such a large number was a tremendous undertaking that involved a concerted effort by the Government machinery, together with assistance from various international actors, including the UN organisations and other agencies.
While the displaced were being looked after in the camps, the Government, together with several Non Governmental Organisations such as the Danish Demining Group, the Foundation Suisse de Deminage and the Sarvatra demining group of India, worked hard to demine the towns and villages in the North and make them habitable once again. The Corps of Engineers of the Sri Lanka Army did the bulk of the work, with assistance from several foreign governments and international organisations. As demining progressed, the displaced were resettled in their places of origin.
Today, only 3,173 families remain to be resettled, and less than 3,000 remain in camps. Most of the displaced who are yet to be resettled come from areas caught up in heavy fighting during the last stages of the Humanitarian Operation. While the clearing of those areas takes place, they will be given houses in adjacent, unaffected land and given the option of moving back to their homes once they are certified as safe.
It must be stressed that the speed at which demining has taken place is remarkable, considering the extent of the problem that the LTTE caused. To date, more than 42,000 Antipersonnel Mines, 227 Antitank Mines and more than 15,000 items of Unexploded Ordnance have been recovered from these areas.
Former cadre
Another issue that faced the Government was dealing with the more than 11,000 former LTTE cadre who surrendered or were detained by the military during the course of the Humanitarian Operation. All of them were sorted according to their level of involvement in the LTTE’s activities. Cadre with known higher-level involvement in LTTE atrocities were separated and identified for prosecution. The vast majority of former combatants, however, had a lower level of involvement in LTTE activities, and were therefore sent for rehabilitation.
Rehabilitation was an area of particular concern to the Government, as its intention was to reintegrate the former combatants to normal society as soon as possible. This is an important consideration in terms of reconciliation, and it is heartening to note that the work done in this regard to date has been very successful.
All programs were conducted under the close supervision of the Commissioner General of Rehabilitation, and they were geared towards ensuring that the former combatants could readjust to normal life and reintegrate with society.
Careful attention was given to the care of the 595 LTTE Child Soldiers in Government custody; they were rehabilitated under a program assisted by UNICEF, and sent back to their families within one year. I am happy to note that several former child soldiers successfully passed their Advanced Level examination, and some even gained entry to medical school.
The Government has provided numerous forms of assistance to help citizens in the North lead normal lives. Infrastructure development is being carried out at a rapid pace. Major programs are under way to develop the road network, the railway track, electricity grid, and irrigation infrastructure. The tanks and irrigation canals are back to full working condition and agriculture can now flourish in the North. Indeed, a great deal of produce from this area is now coming into markets in the rest of the country.
Support has been extended for the restoration of livelihoods, with schemes to provide concessionary financing to people seeking to engage in farming, fishing, agriculture and business. Through all these means, the Government is doing everything it can to restore normalcy to these civilians, who had suffered for so many years during their virtual isolation from the rest of the country because of the LTTE.
We need to understand that this long period of isolation has caused several other issues. An entire generation grew up knowing nothing but strife. As a result of being under the LTTE for almost 30 years, most of the civilians in these areas were brainwashed into fearing the Government. By demonising the Government and the majority Sinhalese, the LTTE created a fear psychosis that is only slowly disappearing. The Government has already done a great deal to dispel this psychosis. More is required.
Grass roots level requirements
It is absolutely essential that the parties in the democratic mainstream understand the grass roots level requirements of the people and refrain from pushing a divisive agenda purely for political gain. It is clear that some politicians wish to promote an agenda not very different from what the LTTE wanted to achieve. They make baseless allegations against the Government to this day, and have failed to recognise the Government’s genuine efforts. Instead, they distort the true picture of what is taking place and continue to promote ethnic divisions for political gain. This is extremely unfortunate.
Heritage and ethnic identity are important, and it is important to foster them. However, instead of thinking only along ethnic lines and continuing to focus primarily on what differentiates people at the expense of what they have in common, we should look at forging a national identity first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
There is no communal tension in the Colombo of today; instead, it is a shining example of a thriving multicultural hub where people of all communities live side by side in harmony. They identify themselves first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
Replicating the success of Colombo throughout Sri Lanka is largely a function of time, economic development, and the breaking down of any misperceptions that still remain. All Sri Lankans require and deserve equality and equal opportunity. As a nation, Sri Lanka needs to address any complaints of discrimination that exist in society. It is fundamentally important that all Sri Lankans feel equal to one another, and that nobody feels that their ethnicity, language, religion, caste, gender or political beliefs stands in the way of their opportunities.
In actual fact, is should be noted that there are very few such barriers prevailing in today’s society. If we look at the universities, it is evident that students from all communities pursue studies in a variety of fields. In all professions, whether it is medicine, engineering, law, academia or business, each and every community is very well represented. Even in the one area in which minority communities were under-represented—that is, the military and the police—the Government has taken action to redress the balance. Steps have also been taken to encourage public servants to learn Tamil. These initiatives will help ensure that no Sri Lankan has cause to feel disadvantaged in their interactions with the State, irrespective of the language they speak.
Unfortunately, the conversation in the political sphere focuses less on such basic initiatives, and more on abstract political ideals that will only lead to further differentiation rather than assist reconciliation. It must be said that this is not done with any true feeling for the needs of the people, but to safeguard existing political advantages and further personal agendas. Race politics has long been a crutch for politicians who do not have constructive ideas.
It is extremely sad that there are still a number of politicians in Sri Lanka who cannot rise above this petty instinct. It is even more unfortunate that there are some in the international community who wittingly or unwittingly exploit this petty instinct to rekindle the flames of communal disharmony in Sri Lanka. They do this by complaining about certain issues in relation to the Humanitarian Operation.
The first issue they focus on is accountability. In the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation, various people started making various claims about the number of civilians killed and missing during the last stages of the conflict. Nevertheless, the Government has been conscious of the need to address this issue through a proper assessment.
Professional approach
The approach the Government took in this regard was a very professional one. The Department of Census and Statistics, which is the official Government arm for these matters, conducted a complete census of the concerned area. In keeping with the usual practice, Government servants of the relevant districts were tasked with carrying out the work. In the questionnaire that was used, the issue of people who died and went missing during the Humanitarian Operation was specifically addressed. With the completion of the census, it has been possible to identify, specifically by name, all such persons. The census is now in the process of finalisation, and the relevant information will be released in the near future.
It is important to note that number of dead and missing in this forthcoming census will include people in the following categories:
* Those who died of natural causes
* Those who died of accidents
* Those who left this country through illegal means, particularly by boat to India or to South East Asia, and from there to the West
* Those who died whilst fighting as members of the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of being coerced to fight by the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of resisting the LTTE—for which we have ample evidence through other sources, including aerial footage. There is also new gruesome evidence that has come to light, which will be made known to the public very soon, about how the LTTE killed injured cadre and even young children who were housed in a church during this time.
* The final category of deaths are those that occurred due to military action.
It is only for the deaths of people in this last category that the Sri Lankan Military can bear any responsibility. As a result of the census, we already know that the real number of dead and missing is far too small to provide any substance to the absurd allegations of genocide and war crimes that have been made against our Military by the rump of the LTTE and their cronies.
Another fact that needs to be understood is that the Sri Lankan Military was engaged in fighting a formidable foe. The LTTE was not far behind the Sri Lankan Military in the arms, ammunition and equipment that it had at its disposal. It also had 25,000 cadre in its ranks at the time the Humanitarian Operation commenced. During the three and a half years of this Operation, 6,000 personnel of the Sri Lanka Armed Forces were killed in action. Another 25,000 were severely injured. This should give some indication of the ferocity of the fighting that was taking place.
LTTE casualties
Then it should be evident the number of LTTE casualties should be comparable or higher. However, this consideration gets almost no attention when allegations are made about the number of dead and missing during the conflict. It is almost as if those who make allegations about the deaths in battle are under the impression that the Sri Lankan Military was fighting phantoms. The manifest absurdity of this underscores the lack of perspective of those who make these claims.
The second major issue focused on by those who criticise Sri Lanka concerns impunity. Again, those who level this criticism have very little understanding of the true picture. In 2003, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was then Prime Minister, requested the United States Department of Defence to study the situation in Sri Lanka and make a detailed report.
The team that visited Sri Lanka carefully analysed the threat posed by the LTTE and the capability of the Sri Lankan military to meet that threat. This team’s report commends the professionalism of the Sri Lankan military, with a particular emphasis on the excellence of the officer cadre and its wealth of practical knowledge. The report states: “The strength of the Army is undoubtedly their impressive soldiers who endure tremendous hardship while maintaining a fighting spirit that has prevented more drastic defeats. They have an impressive training program using Special Forces and Commandos to improve their individual and small unit training. They also have an excellent training site at Maduru Oya.”
The praise contained in this Department of Defence report is unsurprising. Our officer cadre comprises people of high calibre, who receive ample local training, including university education, as well as training in many prestigious military academies all over the world. The training of those selected to the elite Special Forces and Commando units is comprehensive and extremely professional. In keeping with the professionalism of the Sri Lankan Military, the Humanitarian Operation was conducted with a great deal of precision and care.
However, it needs to be understood that during the three and a half year period of the Humanitarian Operation, the Sri Lankan Military had to be expanded at a rapid pace. In the circumstances, it is possible that a few individuals who lacked the capacity to withstand the pressures with the required composure may have been recruited. This is not unusual, and there have been unfortunate examples of excesses by individuals in each and every war that has been fought, whether in the World Wars, Vietnam, Afghanistan or Iraq.
The Sri Lankan Military, as a professional fighting force, has robust internal mechanisms to minimise the occurrence of crimes during warfare as well as deal with any who commit them. With the assistance of the ICRC, the UNDP and other organisations, Sri Lankan Military personnel have undergone extensive training on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law during the past several years. Human Rights cells exist in each division, brigade and battalion of the Sri Lanka Army, and these cells provide assistance to the inquiries of the Military Police as well as the civil police in case of any complaints being lodged.
Investigations
During the course of the Humanitarian Operations, investigations were conducted on all allegations, including those concerning major offences including murder, rape and sexual abuse. Swift action was taken by the Military to punish those individuals found guilty of such crimes. Action was also pursued in the civil courts. If, in future, any substantial evidence is provided on crimes committed by its personnel, the Sri Lankan Military will not hesitate to take appropriate action.
In this context, it must also be stressed that the Government is committed to following through on its responsibilities in terms of accountability. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the President in 2009 has gone into all matters concerned with the conflict. Its report has been handed over to the President, and if there are any specific allegations or evidence of crimes therein, investigations will be undertaken and action taken against those involved. The Government is also committed to implementing general recommendations made by the LLRC with regard to reconciliation.
However, it must be borne in mind that on all these matters, Sri Lanka will act on its own accord. As a sovereign nation with a rich culture and a proud heritage, Sri Lanka does not need external guidance to achieve reconciliation. This will be achieved through an organic, local effort consistent with our culture and our values, and not based on external ideals others try to impose on us. It is evident that cultural norms differ from country to country. People living abroad have no proper understanding of the ground situation in Sri Lanka nor do they understand our current cultural context.
It is not for outsiders to impose their values or their judgements on Sri Lanka. It is the same Sri Lankans who suffered from the ravages of LTTE terrorism for 30 years and who are now reaping the rewards of peace that will find solutions to our national issues—not outsiders.
Sri Lanka today is a nation striving to achieve prosperity on the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism. Reconciliation is an essential part of this endeavour, and it is one that will be achieved.
As we step forward into a peaceful and prosperous future, I have every confidence that all of us, irrespective of our ethnicity, religion, caste, gender or political affiliation, will put aside our differences and work and live together. We will first and foremost be Sri Lankans.
‘Reconciliation will be achieved through local efforts’
*No external guidance necessary
*Based on Lanka’s culture and values
Excerpts from the keynote address delivered by Secretary of Defence Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the inaugural National Conference on Reconciliation, hosted by the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies last week.
The late Lakshman Kadirgamar was a great servant of this nation, whose determined and selfless contributions to Sri Lanka were tragically cut short by an LTTE sniper in August 2005.
During his life, Mr. Kadirgamar strongly believed that “People who live in Sri Lanka are first and foremost Sri Lankans”. As this country builds its future on the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism, these are words for us all to remember.
Sri Lanka’s experience with terrorism began in the 1970s. By the time President Mahinda Rajapaksa assumed office in December 2005, terrorist activities in this country had continued for nearly 30 years. During these three decades, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam unleashed waves of terror that caused untold suffering for all Sri Lankans. The list of its atrocities is long.
The LTTE was relentless in its use of suicide cadre, car bombs, truck bombs, and even light aircraft in carrying out these attacks to destabilise Sri Lankan society, and it showed sophistication and ruthlessness beyond any other terrorist group in the world in pursuing its objectives.
The LTTE’s skill at political assassinations was another defining feature of its campaign of terror. The most notable assassinations carried out by the LTTE were the killing of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the killing of then Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1993. The LTTE killed seven Cabinet Ministers, 37 Parliamentarians and more than 50 office bearing political figures during its terror campaign. Its intention was to undermine Sri Lanka’s democracy.
The overall impact of the LTTE’s terrorism was devastating. In addition to the thousands of casualties it caused, the aura of fear and uncertainty it created had a severe impact on all Sri Lankans. In areas outside the LTTE’s control, ordinary peoples’ day-to-day lives were transformed.
Parents did not travel together in the same vehicle for fear of orphaning their children by getting caught in a bomb blast. Students’ school attendance dropped every time rumours spread about impending terrorist attacks. Law and order deteriorated as terrorism fostered crime and corruption. The underworld became more powerful and its members gained access to arms and ammunition from various armed groups operating in the country at large. An entire generation grew up under a veil of fear.
In areas under LTTE dominance, matters were even worse. The LTTE did not tolerate any opposition. It assassinated democratic leaders and intellectuals in the Tamil community to style itself the sole representative of the Tamil people.
In this effort, it killed such democratic politicians as former Opposition Leader A. Amirthalingam, Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front, Y. Yogeshwaran and Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam of the same party, Sam Thambimuttu and K. Pathmanaba of the EPRLF.
In addition to moderate politicians, the LTTE also assassinated the leaders of other armed groups in these areas. One occasion, the LTTE even wiped out the entire command structure of groups it saw as opponents. By eliminating all rivals, the LTTE was able to keep the people in the areas it dominated under a virtual dictatorship. Though it pretended, at its height, to have a judicial system and a police force, these were shams constructed to disguise a territory ruled at gunpoint. No one in those areas was truly safe; no one was truly free.
Apart from all this, the simple fact that a ruthless terrorist group was operational in the country and dominated parts of its territory had a devastating impact on Sri Lanka’s prospects. The economy stagnated. Infrastructure development could not be given due priority. Large areas of fertile land were inaccessible for agriculture. Restrictions on sea movements affected the fishing industry. Bad publicity and adverse travel advisories kept tourists away. Industrialisation was virtually halted as both local and foreign investment slowed to a trickle. Many of our best and brightest sought to build safer lives for themselves away from Sri Lanka, resulting in brain drain. Most of the economic growth that took place was localised in the Western Province and the largest cities in the other provinces. The North and the East were virtually isolated. The political, social and economic costs of terrorism set back Sri Lanka’s national progress by many years.
People’s mandate
When Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected to the Presidency in 2005, he had a mandate from the people to end terrorism once and for all. This was a daunting task. Four previous presidents as well as several successive governments comprising various political parties had grappled with the issue of LTTE terrorism without success. Over the years, a range of different approaches including military campaigns, peace talks, and even international mediation had been tried. None had succeeded.
The first peace talks took place in 1985 in Thimpu, Bhutan. The LTTE was one of several Tamil groups participating in these talks. During the ceasefire granted by the Government to facilitate the talks, it strengthened itself militarily. After the talks failed, the LTTE used the military advantage it had gained to systematically attack and decimate the other Tamil groups. By 1987, when the Indian intervention occurred at a time the Sri Lankan Government was in a position to end the conflict militarily, the LTTE was the dominant militant group. Its refusal to surrender arms and its many provocations during that period led to the Indian Peace Keeping Force becoming combatants in the conflict. Eventually, more than 1,100 soldiers of the IPKF were killed and over 2,700 wounded in combat with the LTTE.
By 1989, the LTTE was weakened and once again sought the respite of a ceasefire. As a gesture of goodwill, the Government requested the IPKF to leave Sri Lanka. In June 1990, in the middle of peace talks with the Government, the LTTE unilaterally broke the ceasefire and returned to violence. It launched severe attacks against Muslim civilians, killing nearly 150 during prayers at Kathankudy and more than 170 in Eravur, Batticaloa. It then expelled the 75,000 Muslim residents of Jaffna.
LTTE violence continued until October 1994, when the Government once again offered to negotiate in the hope of a peaceful settlement. The ceasefire entered into was once again unilaterally broken by the LTTE in 1995 when they destroyed naval gunboats at Trincomalee harbour. Not long after, the LTTE used Surface to Air missiles obtained during the preceding ceasefire to shoot down aircraft of the Sri Lanka Air Force.
Despite the long history of LTTE treachery during peace talks, the Government continued trying to end the conflict through peaceful means. In 2001, the Norwegian-facilitated peace process commenced. The LTTE never took action to address any substantive issues during this period. Instead, it exploited all the concessions granted under the ceasefire to strengthen itself militarily. The LTTE acquired new arms, ammunition and equipment, including light aircraft. The LTTE recruited more cadre, including child soldiers, and its strength grew to 25,000. Although the peace process was stalled and the ceasefire was nominally in place, it was clear that the LTTE was gearing for war just as it had done during each previous peace process.
Insincerity, opportunism
Despite the LTTE’s history of insincerity and its opportunism during the ceasefire period, President Rajapaksa was keen to restart the stalled peace process as soon as he was elected into office. His intention was to resolve the conflict peacefully.
Towards this end, he repeatedly requested the LTTE to come for direct talks with the Government. Instead of responding genuinely, the LTTE misused the attempted peace talks in 2006 and intensified its provocative behaviour. It relentlessly attacked key military targets, including our highest-ranking officers, and continued to carry out acts of mindless violence against innocent civilians.
The Government bore these provocations with patience for many months, until the LTTE threatened a major humanitarian disaster by shutting down the sluice gates at Maavilaru in July 2006.
Over 9,500 Muslims, 8,000 Sinhalese and 4,400 Tamils were left without access to water by this inhuman act, and immediate action was needed to prevent a major catastrophe. When all peaceful efforts to resolve the problem failed, the Government had no option but to launch a limited military operation to reopen the sluice gates.
During the initial stages of that operation, the LTTE attacked military positions around the Trincomalee harbour and launched attacks in the North shortly afterwards. It was clear that the closure of the Maavilaru sluice gate had only been the LTTE’s first move in a well-planned offensive. Because of the immediate threat to strategic military positions, the Government expanded the limited operation that had been launched to liberate Maavilaru.
Considering the long history of the LTTE’s atrocities against the people of Sri Lanka and its repeated rejections of all efforts for a peaceful settlement, including those efforts with international mediation, the Government decided to rid the country of the LTTE menace once and for all. In three and a half years, that objective was achieved.
Today, Sri Lanka is a nation at peace. As a result of the Humanitarian Operation to defeat terrorism, the primary obstacle to Sri Lanka’s prospects - the LTTE - has been removed.
In looking back at what has happened over the last two years, the benefits this country has gained through dismantling the LTTE are very clear. The senseless killing has stopped. Irrespective of ethnicity, religion or political affiliation, all Sri Lankans are reaping the rewards of peace. The quality of life has improved tremendously. With the constant threat of terrorism removed, people can live their lives in full and without fear. Sri Lanka today is not only one of the most secure and stable countries in Asia, but in the entire world.
Perhaps the most heartening outcome of the dawn of peace has been the freedom of movement that all Sri Lankans finally enjoy. People are able to travel throughout the entire country without being impeded; the numbers travelling from North to South, and vice versa, are truly remarkable. The number of expatriates travelling to the North is also extremely noteworthy. This is a very encouraging sign, and one of the great benefits of the restoration of peace.
Another critical gain from peace is the holding of free and fair elections in every part of Sri Lanka. Local authority elections, provincial council elections, a Presidential election and a General election have all been held over the past two years. In the areas formerly dominated by the LTTE, people exercised their franchise without fear for the first time in three decades. The fact that political plurality has returned to these areas is clear from the results of these elections. The swift restoration of democracy to those parts of Sri Lanka previously under LTTE dominance is something to be proud of.
Further, it needs to be noted that many former militants are now playing an active role in politics. Their participation in the political process demonstrates the robustness of Sri Lanka’s democracy, and highlights the focus on reconciliation.
The economy is also showing marked signs of improvement. With thousands of acres of arable land once again accessible, and key irrigation infrastructure being restored, agriculture is poised to expand significantly in the coming years. With the removal of the restrictions that had to be enforced due to terrorism, the fishing industry has already rebounded and registered tremendous growth.
With the withdrawing of adverse travel advisories and the knowledge that the country is finally at peace, tourist arrivals have increased significantly. Local and foreign investment is on the rise, and new commercial activity is starting to take place in previously ignored areas. Sri Lanka is finally in a position to realise the economic potential that has been pent up for so many years.
The return of peace, the restoration of freedom and democracy, and the prospect of a resurgent economy have all been made possible by the success of the Humanitarian Operation. However, it should be noted that the rump of the LTTE is still active outside Sri Lanka, and is still attempting to tarnish the image of this nation and set back the peace that was achieved two years ago.
We must remain vigilant, and not allow ourselves to be divided or distracted by their destructive agenda. Having been so closely linked with the terrorist cause, they seem unable to let go of their outmoded ideas and face the reality of a united and peaceful Sri Lanka. Instead of providing any support for the on-going reconstruction and reconciliation efforts, the sole interest of these parties is in casting aspersions against the Government.
The true commitment of the Government to all its citizens can be gauged by the actions it took in the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation in 2009. It is important to understand that the Government faced several immense challenges at that time, and it should be appreciated that these challenges were met with great professionalism.
Without doubt, the most pressing issue of concern in the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation was housing the 294,000 Displaced People who had served as the LTTE’s human shield. The villages and towns they had been displaced from had been mined heavily by the LTTE during the last stages of the Humanitarian Operation, and it was impossible for them to safely return to their homes until those areas had been completely demined and made safe for habitation. Taking care of such a large number was a tremendous undertaking that involved a concerted effort by the Government machinery, together with assistance from various international actors, including the UN organisations and other agencies.
While the displaced were being looked after in the camps, the Government, together with several Non Governmental Organisations such as the Danish Demining Group, the Foundation Suisse de Deminage and the Sarvatra demining group of India, worked hard to demine the towns and villages in the North and make them habitable once again. The Corps of Engineers of the Sri Lanka Army did the bulk of the work, with assistance from several foreign governments and international organisations. As demining progressed, the displaced were resettled in their places of origin.
Today, only 3,173 families remain to be resettled, and less than 3,000 remain in camps. Most of the displaced who are yet to be resettled come from areas caught up in heavy fighting during the last stages of the Humanitarian Operation. While the clearing of those areas takes place, they will be given houses in adjacent, unaffected land and given the option of moving back to their homes once they are certified as safe.
It must be stressed that the speed at which demining has taken place is remarkable, considering the extent of the problem that the LTTE caused. To date, more than 42,000 Antipersonnel Mines, 227 Antitank Mines and more than 15,000 items of Unexploded Ordnance have been recovered from these areas.
Former cadre
Another issue that faced the Government was dealing with the more than 11,000 former LTTE cadre who surrendered or were detained by the military during the course of the Humanitarian Operation. All of them were sorted according to their level of involvement in the LTTE’s activities. Cadre with known higher-level involvement in LTTE atrocities were separated and identified for prosecution. The vast majority of former combatants, however, had a lower level of involvement in LTTE activities, and were therefore sent for rehabilitation.
Rehabilitation was an area of particular concern to the Government, as its intention was to reintegrate the former combatants to normal society as soon as possible. This is an important consideration in terms of reconciliation, and it is heartening to note that the work done in this regard to date has been very successful.
All programs were conducted under the close supervision of the Commissioner General of Rehabilitation, and they were geared towards ensuring that the former combatants could readjust to normal life and reintegrate with society.
Careful attention was given to the care of the 595 LTTE Child Soldiers in Government custody; they were rehabilitated under a program assisted by UNICEF, and sent back to their families within one year. I am happy to note that several former child soldiers successfully passed their Advanced Level examination, and some even gained entry to medical school.
The Government has provided numerous forms of assistance to help citizens in the North lead normal lives. Infrastructure development is being carried out at a rapid pace. Major programs are under way to develop the road network, the railway track, electricity grid, and irrigation infrastructure. The tanks and irrigation canals are back to full working condition and agriculture can now flourish in the North. Indeed, a great deal of produce from this area is now coming into markets in the rest of the country.
Support has been extended for the restoration of livelihoods, with schemes to provide concessionary financing to people seeking to engage in farming, fishing, agriculture and business. Through all these means, the Government is doing everything it can to restore normalcy to these civilians, who had suffered for so many years during their virtual isolation from the rest of the country because of the LTTE.
We need to understand that this long period of isolation has caused several other issues. An entire generation grew up knowing nothing but strife. As a result of being under the LTTE for almost 30 years, most of the civilians in these areas were brainwashed into fearing the Government. By demonising the Government and the majority Sinhalese, the LTTE created a fear psychosis that is only slowly disappearing. The Government has already done a great deal to dispel this psychosis. More is required.
Grass roots level requirements
It is absolutely essential that the parties in the democratic mainstream understand the grass roots level requirements of the people and refrain from pushing a divisive agenda purely for political gain. It is clear that some politicians wish to promote an agenda not very different from what the LTTE wanted to achieve. They make baseless allegations against the Government to this day, and have failed to recognise the Government’s genuine efforts. Instead, they distort the true picture of what is taking place and continue to promote ethnic divisions for political gain. This is extremely unfortunate.
Heritage and ethnic identity are important, and it is important to foster them. However, instead of thinking only along ethnic lines and continuing to focus primarily on what differentiates people at the expense of what they have in common, we should look at forging a national identity first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
There is no communal tension in the Colombo of today; instead, it is a shining example of a thriving multicultural hub where people of all communities live side by side in harmony. They identify themselves first and foremost as Sri Lankans.
Replicating the success of Colombo throughout Sri Lanka is largely a function of time, economic development, and the breaking down of any misperceptions that still remain. All Sri Lankans require and deserve equality and equal opportunity. As a nation, Sri Lanka needs to address any complaints of discrimination that exist in society. It is fundamentally important that all Sri Lankans feel equal to one another, and that nobody feels that their ethnicity, language, religion, caste, gender or political beliefs stands in the way of their opportunities.
In actual fact, is should be noted that there are very few such barriers prevailing in today’s society. If we look at the universities, it is evident that students from all communities pursue studies in a variety of fields. In all professions, whether it is medicine, engineering, law, academia or business, each and every community is very well represented. Even in the one area in which minority communities were under-represented—that is, the military and the police—the Government has taken action to redress the balance. Steps have also been taken to encourage public servants to learn Tamil. These initiatives will help ensure that no Sri Lankan has cause to feel disadvantaged in their interactions with the State, irrespective of the language they speak.
Unfortunately, the conversation in the political sphere focuses less on such basic initiatives, and more on abstract political ideals that will only lead to further differentiation rather than assist reconciliation. It must be said that this is not done with any true feeling for the needs of the people, but to safeguard existing political advantages and further personal agendas. Race politics has long been a crutch for politicians who do not have constructive ideas.
It is extremely sad that there are still a number of politicians in Sri Lanka who cannot rise above this petty instinct. It is even more unfortunate that there are some in the international community who wittingly or unwittingly exploit this petty instinct to rekindle the flames of communal disharmony in Sri Lanka. They do this by complaining about certain issues in relation to the Humanitarian Operation.
The first issue they focus on is accountability. In the aftermath of the Humanitarian Operation, various people started making various claims about the number of civilians killed and missing during the last stages of the conflict. Nevertheless, the Government has been conscious of the need to address this issue through a proper assessment.
Professional approach
The approach the Government took in this regard was a very professional one. The Department of Census and Statistics, which is the official Government arm for these matters, conducted a complete census of the concerned area. In keeping with the usual practice, Government servants of the relevant districts were tasked with carrying out the work. In the questionnaire that was used, the issue of people who died and went missing during the Humanitarian Operation was specifically addressed. With the completion of the census, it has been possible to identify, specifically by name, all such persons. The census is now in the process of finalisation, and the relevant information will be released in the near future.
It is important to note that number of dead and missing in this forthcoming census will include people in the following categories:
* Those who died of natural causes
* Those who died of accidents
* Those who left this country through illegal means, particularly by boat to India or to South East Asia, and from there to the West
* Those who died whilst fighting as members of the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of being coerced to fight by the LTTE
* Those who died as a result of resisting the LTTE—for which we have ample evidence through other sources, including aerial footage. There is also new gruesome evidence that has come to light, which will be made known to the public very soon, about how the LTTE killed injured cadre and even young children who were housed in a church during this time.
* The final category of deaths are those that occurred due to military action.
It is only for the deaths of people in this last category that the Sri Lankan Military can bear any responsibility. As a result of the census, we already know that the real number of dead and missing is far too small to provide any substance to the absurd allegations of genocide and war crimes that have been made against our Military by the rump of the LTTE and their cronies.
Another fact that needs to be understood is that the Sri Lankan Military was engaged in fighting a formidable foe. The LTTE was not far behind the Sri Lankan Military in the arms, ammunition and equipment that it had at its disposal. It also had 25,000 cadre in its ranks at the time the Humanitarian Operation commenced. During the three and a half years of this Operation, 6,000 personnel of the Sri Lanka Armed Forces were killed in action. Another 25,000 were severely injured. This should give some indication of the ferocity of the fighting that was taking place.
LTTE casualties
Then it should be evident the number of LTTE casualties should be comparable or higher. However, this consideration gets almost no attention when allegations are made about the number of dead and missing during the conflict. It is almost as if those who make allegations about the deaths in battle are under the impression that the Sri Lankan Military was fighting phantoms. The manifest absurdity of this underscores the lack of perspective of those who make these claims.
The second major issue focused on by those who criticise Sri Lanka concerns impunity. Again, those who level this criticism have very little understanding of the true picture. In 2003, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was then Prime Minister, requested the United States Department of Defence to study the situation in Sri Lanka and make a detailed report.
The team that visited Sri Lanka carefully analysed the threat posed by the LTTE and the capability of the Sri Lankan military to meet that threat. This team’s report commends the professionalism of the Sri Lankan military, with a particular emphasis on the excellence of the officer cadre and its wealth of practical knowledge. The report states: “The strength of the Army is undoubtedly their impressive soldiers who endure tremendous hardship while maintaining a fighting spirit that has prevented more drastic defeats. They have an impressive training program using Special Forces and Commandos to improve their individual and small unit training. They also have an excellent training site at Maduru Oya.”
The praise contained in this Department of Defence report is unsurprising. Our officer cadre comprises people of high calibre, who receive ample local training, including university education, as well as training in many prestigious military academies all over the world. The training of those selected to the elite Special Forces and Commando units is comprehensive and extremely professional. In keeping with the professionalism of the Sri Lankan Military, the Humanitarian Operation was conducted with a great deal of precision and care.
However, it needs to be understood that during the three and a half year period of the Humanitarian Operation, the Sri Lankan Military had to be expanded at a rapid pace. In the circumstances, it is possible that a few individuals who lacked the capacity to withstand the pressures with the required composure may have been recruited. This is not unusual, and there have been unfortunate examples of excesses by individuals in each and every war that has been fought, whether in the World Wars, Vietnam, Afghanistan or Iraq.
The Sri Lankan Military, as a professional fighting force, has robust internal mechanisms to minimise the occurrence of crimes during warfare as well as deal with any who commit them. With the assistance of the ICRC, the UNDP and other organisations, Sri Lankan Military personnel have undergone extensive training on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law during the past several years. Human Rights cells exist in each division, brigade and battalion of the Sri Lanka Army, and these cells provide assistance to the inquiries of the Military Police as well as the civil police in case of any complaints being lodged.
Investigations
During the course of the Humanitarian Operations, investigations were conducted on all allegations, including those concerning major offences including murder, rape and sexual abuse. Swift action was taken by the Military to punish those individuals found guilty of such crimes. Action was also pursued in the civil courts. If, in future, any substantial evidence is provided on crimes committed by its personnel, the Sri Lankan Military will not hesitate to take appropriate action.
In this context, it must also be stressed that the Government is committed to following through on its responsibilities in terms of accountability. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the President in 2009 has gone into all matters concerned with the conflict. Its report has been handed over to the President, and if there are any specific allegations or evidence of crimes therein, investigations will be undertaken and action taken against those involved. The Government is also committed to implementing general recommendations made by the LLRC with regard to reconciliation.
However, it must be borne in mind that on all these matters, Sri Lanka will act on its own accord. As a sovereign nation with a rich culture and a proud heritage, Sri Lanka does not need external guidance to achieve reconciliation. This will be achieved through an organic, local effort consistent with our culture and our values, and not based on external ideals others try to impose on us. It is evident that cultural norms differ from country to country. People living abroad have no proper understanding of the ground situation in Sri Lanka nor do they understand our current cultural context.
It is not for outsiders to impose their values or their judgements on Sri Lanka. It is the same Sri Lankans who suffered from the ravages of LTTE terrorism for 30 years and who are now reaping the rewards of peace that will find solutions to our national issues—not outsiders.
Sri Lanka today is a nation striving to achieve prosperity on the foundation of peace resulting from the defeat of terrorism. Reconciliation is an essential part of this endeavour, and it is one that will be achieved.
As we step forward into a peaceful and prosperous future, I have every confidence that all of us, irrespective of our ethnicity, religion, caste, gender or political affiliation, will put aside our differences and work and live together. We will first and foremost be Sri Lankans.
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